Skip to main content

The Black Worker During the Era of the Knights of Labor: Volume III: Part VI: Grand Master Workman Terence V. Powderly and the Black Worker

The Black Worker During the Era of the Knights of Labor: Volume III
Part VI: Grand Master Workman Terence V. Powderly and the Black Worker
    • Notifications
    • Privacy
  • Project HomeThe Black Worker, Volume 3
  • Projects
  • Learn more about Manifold

Notes

Show the following:

  • Annotations
  • Resources
Search within:

Adjust appearance:

  • font
    Font style
  • color scheme
  • Margins
table of contents
  1. Cover
  2. Series Page
  3. Title Page
  4. Copyright
  5. Foreword
  6. Contents
  7. Preface
  8. Part I: The Condition of Black Workers in the South
    1. Introduction
      1. Blacks Testify before the Senate Committee on Relations between Labor and Capital, 1883
        1. 1. Testimony
  9. Part II: Should Blacks Join the Ranks of Labor?
    1. Introduction
      1. Conflicting Views
        1. 1. Frederick Douglass on the Labor Question
        2. 2. The Vital Labor Problem
        3. 3. Proscribed
        4. 4. Labor Upheavals
        5. 5. Growth of the Colored Press
        6. 6. John R. Lynch on the Color Line in the Ranks of Labor
        7. 7. Land–Labor Problem
        8. 8. The Colored Laborer Must Look to Himself
        9. 9. A Word on the Labor Question
        10. 10. A Case in Point
        11. 11. A Knight is a Knight
      2. A Black Leader's Advice to Negro Working Men
        1. 12. The Negro Laborer: A Word to Him
  10. Part III: Black Labor Militancy and the Knights of Labor
    1. Introduction
      1. Black Labor Unrest in the South
        1. 1. Negro Strikers in Louisiana
        2. 2. Labor Troubles
        3. 3. The Labor Troubles
        4. 4. The St. John Strikers
        5. 5. Louisiana Strike
        6. 6. Strike in Florida
        7. 7. A Labor Riot in Missouri
        8. 8. Working in Unison
        9. 9. Labor vs. Capital
        10. 10. The Labor Riots
        11. 11. Another Police Murderer
        12. 12. Cheering Words
        13. 13. Murdered by a Mob
      2. The Knights Organize Southern Blacks
        1. 14. Assemblies of Colored Men
        2. 15. Constitution for the Local Assemblies of the Order of the Knights of Labor in America
        3. 16. Knights of Labor Meeting in Washington, D.C.
        4. 17. Plain Talk to Workingmen
        5. 18. Description of a Public Meeting
        6. 19. Social Affair
        7. 20. Baltimore Labor Parade
        8. 21. First Black Assembly
        9. 22. Black Cooperative Ventures
        10. 23. The Richmond Co–Operative Soap Company
        11. 24. Letter from a Black Knight
        12. 25. Strides in the South
      3. Black Workers and Knights of Labor Strikes, 1885 – 1886
        1. 26. Paralyzed
        2. 27. A General Strike
        3. 28. Arbitrators at Work
        4. 29. Labor Troubles at Galveston
        5. 30. Arbitration in Galveston
        6. 31. Boycott Renewed
        7. 32. Congressional Report on the Labor Troubles in Missouri
        8. 33. The Dangers of Organizing Blacks
        9. 34. Colored Knights of Labor
        10. 35. Striking Negro Knights
        11. 36. Colored Knights of Labor in Arkansas
        12. 37. The Futility of Strikes and Boycotts
        13. 38. In Case of Necessity
        14. 39. Stirred Up
        15. 40. Sheriff R. W. Worthen
        16. 41. Discharged
        17. 42. Anonymous Threats
        18. 43. A Card From the Fox Brothers
        19. 44. War in Young
  11. Part IV: The Knights of Lavor Convention in Richmond, 1886
    1. Introduction
      1. Terence V. Powderly, Frank J. Ferrell, and the Integrated Convention in Richmond, 1886
        1. 1. Knights of Labor in Their Mettle
        2. 2. Frank J. Ferrell's Introduction of Powderly
        3. 3. Powderly's Address
        4. 4. Powderly to the Richmond Dispatch
        5. 5. The Colored Brother
        6. 6. He Sits Among the Whites
        7. 7. Social Equality of the Races
        8. 8. Colored Knight Ferrell
        9. 9. A Sample of National Reactions to the Knights Position on Social Equality
        10. 10. The Mozart Association in Connection With the Color Question
        11. 11. The Knights and Southern Prejudice
        12. 12. J. M. Townsend to Terence Powderly
        13. 13. Samuel Wilson to Terence Powderly
        14. 14. James Hirst to Terence Powderly
        15. 15. D. H. Black to Terence Powderly
        16. 16. "Tradesman" to Terence Powderly
        17. 17. Negro Press Committee to Terence Powderly
        18. 18. A. O. Hale to Terence Powderly
        19. 19. Letter From a White Virginia Knight
        20. 20. At Work at Last
        21. 21. Richmond and the Convention Held Up
        22. 22. Resolutions of the Equal Rights League, Columbus, Ohio
        23. 23. Resolution Adopted By an All–Black Local Assembly, Rendville, Ohio
        24. 24. A Peaceful Parade
        25. 25. Powderly on Race Rights
        26. 26. They Will Find Out Facts
        27. 27. Banquet in Honor of District Assembly 49
        28. 28. The Mixed Banquet at Harris's Hall
        29. 29. Disaffection
        30. 30. How Their Stand Against Prejudice is Regarded By the Colored Press
        31. 31. Mr. Powderly and Social Equality
        32. 32. The Knights of Labor Show the White Feather
        33. 33. An Imprudent Position on Social Equality
        34. 34. Powderly's Straddling
        35. 35. Importance of the Richmond Convention
        36. 36. A Footnote on Frank J. Ferrell
  12. Part V: Suppression of the Black Knights
    1. Introduction
      1. Opposition to the Knights of Labor in South Carolina
        1. 1. Industrial Slavery in the South
        2. 2. Fighting the Knights
        3. 3. Much Bitter Feeling
        4. 4. The Trouble in the South
        5. 5. Hoover's Negro Dupes
        6. 6. Free Speech in the South
      2. An Overview of the Knights' 1887 Sugar Strike in Louisiana
        1. 7. The Knights Strike Sugar
        2. 8. A Planter's View: Excerpts From the William Porcher Miles Diary
        3. 9. Conflict in the Louisiana Sugar Fields
        4. 10. Sugar Labor – Demands
        5. 11. Sugar Labor
        6. 12. Sugar Labor – The Strike Inaugurated
        7. 13. Protection From Riot and Violence
        8. 14. Labor Troubles
        9. 15. Laborers Shot Down
        10. 16. Backbone of the Strike Broken
        11. 17. The Teche Troubles
        12. 18. Deserted Cane Fields
        13. 19. Labor Troubles in the Sugar Districts
        14. 20. The Sugar Strike
        15. 21. The Teche Troubles – Planter Shot by Striker
        16. 22. Gone to Work
        17. 23. Nine Men Killed
        18. 24. The Labor Troubles – Killing of Negroes
        19. 25. The Sugar Strike – Negroes Threaten Sheriff
        20. 26. The Sugar Strike
        21. 27. Labor in the South
        22. 28. The Louisiana Strikes
        23. 29. The Knights of Labor
        24. 30. Sugar Plantation Laborers
        25. 31. Sugar Planters' Association of Louisiana
        26. 32. Labor Troubles in Lafourche
        27. 33. Riot at Thibodaux
        28. 34. Peace Restored – Troops at Thibodaux
        29. 35. The Thibodaux Riot
        30. 36. The Sugar District Troubles
        31. 37. The Thibodaux Riot – Three More Dead
        32. 38. Thibodaux – Ringleader's Surrender Not Accepted
        33. 39. The Thibodaux Troubles
        34. 40. The Militia in Thibodaux
        35. 41. The Sugar Strike
        36. 42. A Northern View of the Thibodaux Troubles
        37. 43. Colored People – Denounce Killings
        38. 44. Outrages in Louisiana
        39. 45. The Sugar Riots
        40. 46. W. R. Ramsay to T. V. Powderly
        41. 47. Labor's Pageant – Workingmen of New Orleans on Parade
      3. Congressional Reaction to the Louisiana Sugar Strike
        1. 48. From the Congressional Record
  13. Part VI: Grand Master Workman Terence V. Powderly and the Black Worker
    1. Introduction
      1. Correspondence Relating to the Black Worker in the Powderly Papers
        1. 1. Powderly to Wm. J. Stewart
        2. 2. Powderly to Brother Wright
        3. 3. Robert D. Dayton and Gilbert Rockwood to Powderly
        4. 4. Joe B. Kewley to Powderly
        5. 5. Powderly to M. W. Pattell
        6. 6. Gilbert Rockwood to Powderly
        7. 7. Powderly to S. T. Neilson
        8. 8. John R. Ray to Powderly
        9. 9. An Open Letter on Race to Powderly
        10. 10. "The South of To–Day," by Powderly
        11. 11. John R. Ray to Powderly
        12. 12. Powderly to J. M. Broughton
        13. 13. John R. Ray to Powderly
        14. 14. P. M. McNeal to Powderly
        15. 15. Powderly to Thomas Curley
        16. 16. Tom O'Reilly to Powderly
        17. 17. Powderly to W. H. Lynch
        18. 18. Alexander Walker to Powderly
        19. 19. D. B. Allison and Edward Gallagher to Powderly
        20. 20. R. W. Kruse to Powderly
        21. 21. H. G. Ellis to Powderly
        22. 22. R. W. Kruse to Powderly
        23. 23. J. A. Belton to Powderly
        24. 24. C. V. Meustin to Powderly
        25. 25. V. E. St. Cloud to Powderly
        26. 26. W. H. Sims, M.D., to Powderly
        27. 27. J. M. Broughton to Powderly
        28. 28. Frank Johnson to Powderly
        29. 29. S. F. S. Sweet to Powderly
        30. 30. George H. Williams to Powderly
        31. 31. Petition to Powderly
        32. 32. Fourth of July Celebration Announcement
        33. 33. Powderly to J. M. Bannan
        34. 34. Powderly to J. O. Parsons
        35. 35. Powderly to C. A. Teagle
        36. 36. Andrew McCormack to Powderly
        37. 37. B. W. Scott to Powderly
        38. 38. Powderly to B. W. Scott
        39. 39. B. Stock to Powderly
        40. 40. Hillard J. McNair to Powderly
        41. 41. J. A. Bodenhamer to Powderly
        42. 42. C. C. Mehurin to Powderly
        43. 43. C. E. Yarboro to Powderly
        44. 44. John Derbin to Powderly
        45. 45. Powderly to Rev. P. H. Kennedy
        46. 47. Powderly's Open Letter to Secretary of the Treasury Charles Foster
  14. Part VII: Race Relations within the Knights of Labor
    1. Introduction
      1. Relations between Black and White Knights from the 1886 Convention to 18891. No Color Line Wanted
        1. 2. Ida B. Wells Describes a Knights of Labor Meeting in Memphis
        2. 3. A Florida Strike
        3. 4. Persecution
        4. 5. Knightsville is Solid
        5. 6. Glorious 4th
        6. 7. He Is On Our Side
        7. 8. A Cruel Negro
        8. 9. A Pittsburgh Strike
        9. 10. Letter From A Colored Knight
        10. 11. Mustering Up Courage
        11. 12. An Active Part
        12. 13. Lively Southern Knights
        13. 14. Knights of Labor
      2. Deportation: The Knights' Solution to the Problems of the Black Worker
        1. 15. Speak Out
        2. 16. A Black Worker to James R. Sovereign
        3. 17. Opinion of the Chicago Colored Women's Club
        4. 18. Our Labor Problem
        5. 19. On Deportation
        6. 20. Epitaph
  15. Part VIII: Black Farmers Organize Black Alliances
    1. Introduction
      1. The Colored Farmers National Alliance and Cooperative Union, 1890 – 18911. History of the Colored Farmers' National Alliance and Cooperative Union
        1. 2. The Order System
        2. 3. Southern Grangers
        3. 4. Why Has the Negro of the Plantation Made So Little Progress?
        4. 5. Laying Out the Work
        5. 6. Farmers of West Florida
        6. 7. H. H. Perry to Elias Carr, President, Colored Alliance of North Carolina
        7. 8. The National Alliance Advises
        8. 9. Gen. R. M. Humphrey Writes From Pulaski, Tennessee
        9. 10. The National Alliance Organ of the Colored Alliance
        10. 11. The Alabama Mirror Notes a Gratifying Fact
        11. 12. The National Alliance
        12. 13. Election Bill
        13. 14. The Colored Alliance: Annual Address of the National Superintendent
        14. 15. Unsavory Senator
        15. 16. The Race Problem
        16. 17. J. J. Rogers to Elias Carr
        17. 18. W. A. Patillo to Elias Carr
        18. 19. J. J. Rogers to Elias Carr
        19. 20. People's Party Convention
        20. 21. A Great Absurdity
        21. 22. Colored Farmers Alliance Meets
        22. 23. The Convict Lease System
        23. 24. Camp Meetings
        24. 25. Notice
        25. 26. Afro–Americans and the People's Party
        26. 27. Split Among Whites
        27. 28. The Rankest Bourbon
        28. 29. When Thine Enemy Speaks Well of You
        29. 30. The Southern Alliance--Let the Negro Take a Thought
        30. 31. Social Equality
        31. 32. Endorsed By the Colored Farmers
      2. The 1891 Cotton Pickers' Strike
        1. 33. The Cotton Pickers--A Formidable Organization
        2. 34. Negroes Form a Combine
        3. 35. Colored Cotton Pickers
        4. 36. Not a Bit Alarmed
        5. 37. The Cotton Pickers' League
        6. 38. Won't Hurt Georgia
        7. 39. This State is Safe
        8. 40. Gathering Cotton
        9. 41. The Georgia Pickers
        10. 42. President Polk's Menace
        11. 43. Still Snatching Cotton
        12. 44. It Did Not Develop
        13. 45. A Flash in the Pan
        14. 46. President L. L. Polk – Probability of a Third Party
        15. 47. The Exodus of Negroes
        16. 48. Negro Cotton Pickers Threatening
        17. 49. Delta Troubles
        18. 50. A Bloody Riot in Arkansas
        19. 51. Blood and Terror
        20. 52. The Cotton Pickers' Strike
        21. 53. Blacks in Brakes--Lee County Riots
        22. 54. Race Riot in Arkansas
        23. 55. Nine Negroes Lynched
        24. 56. Prisoners Lynched
        25. 57. The Arkansas Man Hunt
        26. 58. Force Against Force
        27. 59. Wholesale Lynching
        28. 60. The Arkansas Butchery
        29. 61. Frightful Barbarities
        30. 62. Those Wholesale Murders
        31. 63. Peace Prevails
        32. 64. All Serene Now
        33. 65. There Was No Lynching
  16. Part IX: Other Expressions of Black Labor Militancy
    1. Introduction
      1. The Savannah Wharf Workers' Strike, 1891
        1. 1. They Strike Today
        2. 2. To Patrol Under Arms
        3. 3. One Thousand Men Out
        4. 4. The Strike Ordered On
        5. 5. The Strike Spreading
        6. 6. To The Public
        7. 7. Progress of the Strikers
        8. 8. Strikers Won't Give In
        9. 9. Bringing in Labor – Strikers' Places Being Filled
        10. 10. The Mistake of the Strikers
        11. 11. The Strike is Settled
        12. 12. Strikers to Resume Work This Morning
        13. 13. Badly Advised
        14. 14. Strikers Splitting Up
        15. 15. Strikers Are Still Out
        16. 16. The Strike At An End
        17. 17. The Strike Ended
        18. 18. Looking Over Things
        19. 19. The Alliance in Line
      2. Black and White Unity: The Chicago Cullinary Alliance
        1. 20. Limited Options
        2. 21. The Limited Movement
        3. 22. The Chicago Waiters' Strike
        4. 23. History of the Union Waiters' Strike
        5. 24. Leaders of the Cullinary Alliance
  17. Notes and Index
  18. Notes
  19. Index

VI

GRAND MASTER WORKMAN TERENCE V. POWDERLY AND THE BLACK WORKER

VI

TERENCE V. POWDERLY AND THE BLACK WORKER

The Noble Order of the Knights of Labor national leadership espoused racial views which were considerably more progressive than those held by most Americans, especially in the South. Both of the Order’s most influential spokesmen had been strongly influenced by the ante-bellum reform movements, including abolition. Uriah Stevens (1821–1882), who served as the first Grand Master Workman between 1869 and 1879, approved of segregated locals, although he believed that both black and white locals should be treated equally. Stevens’ successor, Terence V. Powderly, held even more advanced racial attitudes. For him the goal of organized labor—“Freedom of the man who worked”—applied to all workers black or white.

In his second official decision as Grand Master Workman, he declared that the color of a man’s skin had no relationship to his admission to the Order. In his memoirs, Powderly observed that in the field of work, blacks and whites were economic equals. Those poor whites who hated blacks, he concluded, did so because they were ensnared by the bondage of prejudice as well as poverty, and suggested that there was a direct relationship between the two conditions. He reminded southerners that however subconsciously, they had long ago recognized the absurdity of their own racial taboos by sexually levelling any meaningful distinction between the races. During the hullaballoo created by the Ferrell case at the 1886 convention, Powderly withstood considerable denunciation for supporting Ferrell’s direct challenge to racial customs of Richmond. Although Powderly did not permit Ferrell to introduce Governor Lee, as District 49 desired, Ferrell was allowed to introduce the Grand Master Workman, whom, in this charged atmosphere, Ferrell described as a man “above the superstitions which are involved in these distinctions” of race. Powderly further revealed his equalitarian bent when he revoke the credentials of white organizers in Alabama and Georgia who had exploited newly formed black locals by failing to turn over the dues collected from these locals. The official organ of the Knights of Labor, the Journal of United Labor, demanded their expulsion for injuring the Order’s cause among blacks.

Nevertheless, the Grand Master Workman’s racial views were not so idealistic as to prevent him from attempting to soothe the ruffled nerves of white southerners. Although he did not oppose integrated locals, and there were many, he accommodated himself to the strategy that segregated local assemblies were the only “practical” manner by which the South could be organized. To Powderly, the issue of “social equality” obscured the primarily economic goals of the labor movement. In his memoirs he wrote that he did not seek “to interfere with the social relations of the races in the South, for it is the industrial, not the race question we endeavor to solve.” Moreover, he was willing to curtail work among Negroes when it conflicted with organizing southern whites. Although Powderly appointed black organizers in the South, excellent opportunities to expand the Negro membership were neglected even after 1886 when interest in the Order was so high among Afro-Americans. In his correspondence are letters from black leaders requesting an audience, and correspondence from others desiring to organize local assemblies, many bearing Powderly’s stamp, “No Answer Required.”

Although a clear inconsistency existed between Powderly’s racial views and some of his actions, ambivalence was a relatively progressive position in the 1880s. As the leader of a national organization which depended upon the support of anti-Negro white workers for its national existence, Powderly was confronted with the complex problem of organizing blacks to prevent employers from using them as tools against organized labor. Resolution of the dilemma required the education of all workers to their class interests. Consequently, Powderly attempted to circumvent the potentially destructive racial issue by maintaining that the goal of the Order was economic redress, not the solution of racial discrimination. Aware of the problem which racism presented to organized labor, however, Powderly tried to steer a middle course. The result was bifurcation of equality, a modified segregation within the organization. The documents presented in Part VI reveal a union leader caught between long-run ideals and short-run realities.

Annotate

Next Chapter
Correspondence Relating to the Black Worker in the Powderly Papers
PreviousNext
All rights reserved
Powered by Manifold Scholarship. Learn more at
Opens in new tab or windowmanifoldapp.org