THE 1891 COTTON PICKERS’ STRIKE
Reports of a Formidable Organization
Simultaneously All Pickers in the South are to Strike Against Organized Planters—A secret Circular
GALVESTON, Texas, September 5.—A gentleman well and favorably known throughout the State arrived in the city tonight, and was seen by the press representative, to whom he made the following statement: A startling rumor, he said, had gained currency among the planters that an immense organization of cotton pickers throughout all the States had been effected within the past six weeks or two months, pledged not to pick any cotton for less than $1 per hundred pounds and board; that this organization had been effected through the colored alliance, and now numbers more than a half million names on the rolls, with thousands being added every day. Knowing that this, of course, means that no cotton will be picked, as planters cannot afford to pay that sum for picking at the present prices for the staple, I determined to investigate the matter. I have interviewed R. M. Humphreys, general superintendent of the colored alliance, with headquarters at Houston, but could not get any definite information from him. Humphreys admitted that some organization of the kind had been effected, induced by counter organizations of planters and merchants in certain sections, notably at Memphis and Charleston, to reduce the prices for picking to a very low standard, but declined to enter into particulars. Humphreys, however, stated that the colored pickers had combined to protect themselves from this dictation and he thought they would be able to do so; that he (Humphreys) had recently returned from a tour of all the Southern States in the interests of the colored alliance and found matters moving smoothly and the membership rapidly increasing, and he thought the move for the advance in wages for picking would be made very soon.
Unable to get any more definite information from Humphreys, I pushed my investigation further and found that a secret circular was being printed in Houston, which will be sent out to all the colored suballiances throughout the Southern States tonight, outlining that plan and fixing the date whem simultaneous action by the pickers for higher wages throughout the cotton States shall take place. I tried to secure one of those circulars, but was unsuccessful. This is a most serious matter with the planters, for they are almost entirely dependent upon this class of labor for gathering their crops, and if the organization is as extensive as it now seems to be the delay in picking necessarily resulting there from will cause a material loss if bad weather sets in.
Houston Daily Post, September 6, 1891.
They Want $1 Per Hundred and Board for Picking Cotton
The Combine Numbers Over a Half Million Paid Members and Will Immediately Make Itself Felt
GALVESTON, Tex., Sept. 5—It has been learned that an organization of colored cotton pickers exist, who have agreed not to pick cotton after September 12 for less than $1 per 100 pounds and board. This organization has been perfected through the colored Alliance, and now numbers more than half a million, with thousands being added every day throughout the Southern States. Col. R. M. Humphreys, general superintendent of the Colored Alliance, with headquarters in Houston, admitted the existence of this organization, saying: “It had been induced by organizations some time ago of planters and merchants in certain sections, notably Memphis and Charleston, to reduce the prices for picking to a very low standard, and that the colored pickers had combined to protect themselves from this dictation,” and he thought they would be able to do so.
It is learned that a secret circular has been mailed at Houston to every colored sub-Alliance throughout the cotton belt, fixing the date when the strike of pickers will be simultaneously inaugurated and how it shall be conducted.
Memphis Appeal-Avalanche, September 6, 1891.
Organizing for the Enforcement of Their Demand
PARIS, Tex.,—If reports be true the colored Alliance men are calling the turn on the white brethren in a way that they will despise. The following was made public today:
HEADQUARTERS COLORED ALLIANCE. HOUSTON, Tex., Sept. 6.—WHEREAS, The planters and spectators are firm in their demand that you pick at starvation wages as offered by them, and
Whereas, above 600,000 pickers have already bound themselves together to pick no cotton except their own, before November 1, at less than $1 per hundred pounds, with board, and
Whereas, Your success depends upon depends upon your united action.
Now therefore, I, R. M. Humphrey by virtue of authority vested in me, do issue this my solemn proclamation, fixing the twelfth day of September, 1891, it being Saturday, as the day upon which all our people shall cease from and absolute stop picking cotton, except their own, until November 1, unless their just demands for wages shall be acceded to. For the furtherance of these objects let all leagues and unions unite more closely and stand firmly together. Use all peaceable and lawful means to secure the sympathy and hearty co-operation of all pickers in every section. If any are so mean as to continue to pick and thereby defraud their brethren and injure their race, mark such and have no communication with them. Avoid all public gathering in public places and insolent display. Show yourselves to be men who seek peace and desire justice. Further steps will be taken about October 20, unless recognition of your just demands shall be made.
R. M. HUMPHREY,
General Superintendent Colored Farmer’s Alliance and Cotton-Pickers’ League.
Humphrey declares the league is now 800,000 strong and is growing at the rate of 40,000 a day and expects a membership of 1,200,000 by the date fixed for the strike. Farmers are paying 50 cents per hundred, and cannot pay more, and will make a stubborn resistance to this attempt by the laborers for higher wages.
If there is a struggle much cotton will probably be left ungathered in the fields. The organizations, so says Humphrey, cover all the cotton States.
American Citizen (Kansas City, Kansas), September 11, 1891.
Victoria County Not Uneasy About Getting Cotton Pickers Plenty of Mexican Labor, and Besides Pickers Cannot Live Without Money
VICTORIA, Texas, September 7.—The reported organization of the negroes for the purpose of exacting $1 per 100 pounds for picking cotton does not cause much uneasiness among the farmers of this section with whom your correspondent has conversed. Such a movement if successfully carried out might cause the planters to lose some cotton, but there would be great distress and poverty among the strikers this winter if they lost the wages for cotton picking. Besides, Mexican labor is too easily obtainable for Texas farmers to worry about the matter.
Houston Daily Post, September 8, 1891.
37. THE COTTON PICKERS’ LEAGUE
If the proposed strike of the cotton pickers, mentioned in our special from Houston, Tex., yesterday, comes off it is not likely to amount to anything.
The movement is in no sense the outcome of the alliance reform crusade. It was organized by General Superintendent Humphrey, of the Colored Farmers’ Alliance, who, working through the lodges of the order, has succeeded in getting up a cotton pickers’ league. This man, Humphrey, when he recently visited Georgia, was not very cordially received by our alliancemen. Our Georgia farmers in the alliance thoroughly understand the negro. They know how to deal with him, and they have not encouraged him in any movement that would probably be inconvenient and injurious to both races.
This strike of the cotton pickers, if it materializes, will be the work of Humphrey and his associates. It will not receive the endorsement of genuine alliancemen, whether white or colored.
Perhaps it is unnecessary to treat the matter seriously. The demands of the league, as stated by Humphrey, are absurdly extravagant. Cotton picking was never worth, and never will be worth, $1 per hundred.
If an organized effort is made by the colored cotton pickers to take advantage of the planters by this sudden movement, they will find all the employing, land-owning and business classes of the south so solidly arrayed against them that there will be nothing before them but starvation or emigration. The negroes very generally understand the situation, and it will take something more than Humphrey’s order to plunge them into a strike which promises so little and threatens so much of evil to themselves.
The farmers are not responsible for this rash break, and will not be hurt by it.
Atlanta Constitution, September 8, 1891.
The Proposed Strike of the Negro Alliancemen Will Have Little Effect
Will the negro alliance go out on a strike and refuse to pick any cotton for less than $1 per hundred?
Maybe they will, and maybe they will not.
But if they do it will probably not injure the Georgia farmer to the extent of one dollar.
That’s the opinion of several of the most prominent farmers in the state.
The special in yesterday’s CONSTITUTION from Dallas, Tex., telling about this movement of the negro alliancemen, was much discussed in Atlanta yesterday.
By most people the story was given credence, but some said they did not believe there was such a movement among the colored alliances throughout the south.
What President Livingston Thinks
Colonel Livingston was seen and asked for his opinion about it.
“It may be true,” said he, “and then again it may not. But what if it is true? It would be rather a benefit than an injury to the Georgia farmers. They will not lose a cent by it, but it might have the effect of raising the price of cotton. I would not be surprised if there was something in it.”
Many prominent members of the legislature express the same opinion.
Most of these gentlemen are among Georgia’s most prominent farmers and their views are, therefore, of peculiar value upon this subject. They speak from a close observation and a thorough knowledge of the true status of affairs.
What They Say
Senator Zachry was present when President Livingston expressed his views.
“I think it will help the Georgia farmers, but it will hurt the large planters in Mississippi and other places in the southwest. Now in my county—Henry—four-fifths of the farmers are not dependent upon the negro alliance men or any other negroes to pick their cotton, and it may be taken as an average county. They pick it themselves, or it is picked by their tenants. I believe it would go a long way to raise the price of cotton if they were to do it. There is no negro alliance in my county and I have no opportunity of knowing whether such a movement is being worked in Georgia or not.”
Mr. Calvin, of Richmond, saw a silver lining to the cloud: “Providence,” says he, “works in a mysterious way. I believe that all these troubles are settled by adjustment, and I believe that this will in some way be to the good of the farmers of Georgia. But I can hardly believe that there is anything in the story. It is so unlike Humphrey. And it is unlike the former actions of the negro alliance. They have, heretofore, been co-operating with the white alliance, and working along harmoniously together, and I can hardly believe that there is such a movement among the colored alliance.”
Mr. Barrett, of Pike, is very confident in regard to the cotton crop and the labor connected with it. He says:
“This attempt to raise the price to $1 is all buncombe. They will never do it in the world. Why, they ought to be glad enough to pick it at any price. The cotton crop will be short this year in the state, and in my opinion there will be more pickers than there will be cotton. In middle Georgia the negro alliance is not well enough organized to affect a single farmer. At the low price at which cotton is selling now the farmers would let it stay in the patch before they would pay such exhorbitant prices to have it picked. I do not fear any edict of the negro alliance, and I think the farmers may rest assured that no serious harm will be done.”
Mr. Reid of Putnam: “If this plan is carried out the farmers just can’t afford to have their cotton picked. It would amount to 3 cents on the pound for lint cotton, which is far more than it is worth. I can very readily see that the object of these resolutions is to have the land rented or worked on shares. If they are well organized they may be able to carry out their object, but I hardly think they will be able to do so in Georgia. This is my only hope for the farmers of the state, and I would not be surprised if the organization did some damage in other sections.
Mr. Payne of Upson: “There is no order of the colored alliance in my county that I know of, but I have some fears that this strike may interfere with the farmers in other sections. If they have to pay $1 per 100 pounds, it would be ruinous. Why, at the rate of 50 cents per hundred it costs just one bale in six for picking, and at the proposed price it would amount to one-third of the cotton picked. The result would be to leave much of the cotton in the field.”
Mr. Mobley of Harris: “The colored alliance in my part of the country don’t amount to much, and I don’t think the strike will or can affect us to any extent. They will hardly attempt to raise the price to any such figure in my section, and if they did it would affect very few, as nearly all the hands are either croppers, and have to give the land owner one-half the crop, or they rent the land at a certain sum and raise their own crop. So it will be hard to affect our section to any great extent.”
Mr. Faust of Oglethorpe: “In our section the hands that grow the cotton pick it, so it is necessary for us to hire very little picking. So I think it likely we have all our cotton picked. Such a price, however, if rigidly adhered to, would cause the destruction of much cotton, simply from the fact that the farmers would not be able to pay that amount, and the cotton would remain in the fields.”
Mr. McAfee of Crawford: “I believe that the very situation of the negroes themselves will prevent the price from going much above the ordinary standard. It’s a matter of meat and bread with them. I am familiar with the whole section about where I live, and I don’t think this threatened strike will do us much damage. The farmers will pay no such price and I don’t think it can be forced on them. Over one-half of the farmers in my section rent out portions of their farm to the negroes who run them. I hardly think this alliance has the power to do what it threatens, at least not in Georgia. What damage it may do in the west and in Texas where the cotton crop is so large, and they rely entirely upon the negroes, is another matter, and probably a very serious one.”
Mr. Swain of Gordon: “I don’t think there is any branch of the colored alliance in my county. A negro came there and tried to form one, but the negroes there were afraid of it, so I think we will have very little trouble, even though such a strike should go into effect in the alliance. Most of the people in my county who raise cotton have hands on their places and those who don’t can get all the help they want at 50 cents per hundred. They will never pay a cent more. No, threats of a strike give us no fear.
Mr. Hill of Cherokee: “I live in north Georgia and there are very few negroes in that section. I don’t think they have any organization of this order there. Our people will never pay such an exorbitant price, and I don’t think the hands will dare to ask it. Its effect will hardly be felt up our way.”
Mr. Traylor of Troup: “My opinion is that this raise in the price of picking cotton won’t hurt us much. We have an order of the colored alliance in my county, but it is not of sufficient strength to warrant much fear on the part of the farmers. If, however, $1 per hundred is charged, I think the farmers will be obliged to pay it, or they will have to let their cotton rot in the fields.”
Mr. Meriwether of Wilkes: “We have some might bad negroes in our part of the state, but if there is any colored alliance there I don’t know it. The farmers would be unable to pay such an exhorbitant price, and as the negroes have to live, I think they would very easily come to terms. This is the view I take of it, and I am perfectly satisfied that the farmers in Georgia won’t suffer to any material extent by this threatened strike.”
Mr. Oattes of Muscogee: “If the pickers carry out this strike the cotton will simply rot in the fields. The price of cotton is too low, and the farmers cannot afford to pay $1 and rations for picking it. The organization may be strong enough in some parts of the state, but my impression is that the negroes will have a sweet time while on their strike, as they are entirely dependent upon the farmers for what they eat. After paying such prices for picking cotton the farmers would have absolutely nothing left, and they cannot and will not stand it.”
Mr. Pope of Oglethorpe: “In my section the colored alliancemen will be the ones who will have to hire the pickers and pay the price. They rent the land, raise the cotton, and then either have to have it picked or pick it themselves. The strike won’t amount to much over my way, but it looks as if it might be a serious matter in the west, out through Texas and Mississippi.”
Mr. LeConte of Bartow: “I don’t believe the strike will affect the people at all in our section. We have very little cotton, and so hire very little labor. The strike can’t affect us much, because what little cotton that is raised is generally picked by the farm hands, and by the families of those raising it.”
Mr. Graves of Newton: “I think this strike will embarrass the farmer very much, but not so much in middle Georgia as in other sections, as that is the cropping portion of the state. I believe the strike will affect Georgia less than any other state, however, as there are such a large number of croppers and colored alliancemen who merely rent the land on which they plant. One harm it will do, however, if this one-dollar-a-hundred rate is paid to any extent, and that is, the negroes will aband on their crops, which are generally covered up by mortgages, and will go to work to make the wages. But I think there are enough laborers outside the alliance to do Georgia’s cotton picking, and to do it at the same old rates.”
Mr. Everett of Stewart: “We would let the cotton rot in the fields in our section before we would pay such prices for picking it. We can’t afford it, and won’t pay it. If enforced, this strike would be ruinous to the whole cotton crop; but in my opinion Georgia is safe from any evils which the colored alliance may inflict, as there is plenty of outside labor we can get at any time.”
Mr. Harris of Quitman: “It has been my experience that most of the intelligent negroes admit that they get more for picking cotton than it is worth. I am of the opinion that the strike will not affect us at all. Most of my cotton is picked by croppers who get half of what they make. I don’t think they can or will raise the price of picking it, for it would not do the least good. The croppers are compelled to gather their own crops, or they get nothing.”
Mr. Wheeler of Walker: “The strike won’t affect us much as there are not many niggers in our section. The colored alliance does not amount to much up there, but before I pay R1 a hundred for picking, I’ll hire white laborers at $18 per month, and can get plenty of them at that. The strike won’t work.”
Mr. Twitty of Jackson: “This strike may have a serious effect out in the west and through Texas, as the cotton crop is so extensive out that way. But it will scarcely touch us here in Georgia because the conditions are different. We have a shorter crop in the first place, then there are numbers of croppers throughout the state besides others who rent land. These will be compelled to gather their cotton, and I think it will be a matter of starvation or not starvation with a good many others. I scarcely think we will pay $1 per hundred.”
Mr. Brodnax of Walton: “This strike is not going to amount to anything, whatever, simply because the alliance hasn’t the strength here in Georgia to carry out the plan proposed. The farmers will not pay any exorbitant prices, and the negroes are obliged to live; so, between them both, I think the cotton will go to market as it usually does.”
Atlanta Constitution, September 8, 1891.
From the Proposed Cotton Pickers’ Strike
President E. S. Richardson Speaks
MARSHALLSVILLE, Ga., September 8.—[Special.]—There will be no strike among the cotton pickers of Georgia.
That is what the people say who know most about the colored alliances of the state, and who are responsible for their government.
The Letter from President Richardson
The following letter, from President Edward S. Richardson, is furnished THE CONSTITUTION as the best answer to the rumors floating around:
“MARSHALLSVILLE, Ga., September 8.—Editor Constitution: I have just read your special from Houston, Tex., regarding the colored alliance.
“I cannot speak for Mr. Humphrey, but I must say that the report is false, so far as it relates to the colored alliancemen of Georgia.
“We have not obligated ourselves to do anything of the kind, and I am glad that a few of those you interviewed had sense enough to discredit the story.
Not Organized to Injure
“We are not organized to injure farmers of any color or condition, but to further and improve the system of agriculture among the race. The only burden or hindrance with which the colored alliance has had to contend has been two or three white men that have tried to shape its policy.
The Work of White Men
“I do not doubt that the circular mentioned in your dispatch has been sent out to the different colored alliances, but the instigators of the movement are white men, working for personal gains.
“We hope to co-operate with the white alliance in an agricultural way. We are here together, and peace must reign supreme.
Causes For Suspicion
“The colored alliance has been suspicious of the white alliance of late, owing to two or three bills championed by them in the legislature, but that, of itself, was not sufficient to warrant a retaliation of the kind mentioned.
A Hope For Rest
“We hope some day that this negro question will be settled. We are tired of being tools and dupes of men who have no interest in the race. The negro must call a halt and support those who will support him. We have borne this treatment for twenty-five years. We cannot and will not stand it longer. We voted men into office only to be discarded by them. Let the white men who intend to ignore the negro or get him into trouble swap seats.
There Must be Peace
“I am sorry to be continually denying reports about our order, and I will say once for all that peace and friendship must exist between the races.
Respectfully,
“EDWARD S. RICHARDSON.”
State Lecturer Carter Talks
THOMASVILLE, Ga., September 8.—[Special.]—J. W. Carter, state Lecturer of the Colored Farmers’ Alliance of Georgia, has a card which will appear in tomorrow’s Time-Enterprise. He is strongly opposed to the advance of price in cotton picking, as proposed by the cotton pickers’ league. Among the many things he has discussed in his card, Jack says:
“As a member of the state board of trustees, and a mouthpiece of the colored alliance of Georgia, by virtue of my office of state lecturer, I condemn the members no only as being foreign to the constitution, but perfectly dangerous in every sense of the word. It is dangerous for a thousand reasons. There are a great many colored farmers who have to hire cotton picked, and the new order would be equally as hard on them.”
Carter strikes hard truth in the following sentence:
“I am opposed to strikes. They have never done poor people any good, only those who order and lead them are benefited.”
In conclusion, Carter gives the following advice to the colored farmers of Georgia:
“Have nothing to do with the strike. Thousands of you have made debts to be paid by picking cotton, and you know better than any one else, what you can pick cotton for. We don’t intend to interfere with your local affairs, but would advise you to arrange your matters as best suits your circumstances. Strikes may do for the alliance of Texas. It will not be the case in Georgia.”
Atlanta Constitution, September 9, 1891.
The New York Times Speaking of the Pronunciamento of President Humphrey, of the Colored Alliance
The prospects of the strike which the general superintendent is instigating seem to be especially gloomy. If it were possible to induce all the cotton pickers to quit work at once, the question how are they to be sustained throughout the strike would at once arise. They cannot resist each other, and such is the improvidence of the race that very few of them will be able to support themselves. What are known in Caucasian unions as “assessments” will be likely in an African union to take the form of raids on the chickens and on the hogs and hominy of the oppressor. These means of sustaining life have been regretfully recognized by the colored cotton picker as rather a supplement to industry than as a substitute for it. If it were an adequate and trustworthy substitute they would not work at all. For the same reason it is not likely that the strike proclaimed will even be attempted. The colored laborer, according to the testimony of those who know him, works only that he may eat, and strikes work as soon as his immediate wants are supplied. That is to say, when he has provisions to sustain him during even a short strike he will strike of his own accord. When he has not such provision he will not strike even at the bidding of a proclamation by the general superintendent of the Colored Farmers’ Alliance and Cotton Pickers’ League.
The Times does not understand the situation. In the cotton regions the cultivation of cotton is a partnership between the white land owners and the negro laborers. Most generally the partnership specifies that the negroes shall furnish the labor and get one-third of the crop. It is the duty of the negroes in almost every contract with the land owner to supply the labor for chopping and picking. If they strike the burden of the strike will fall on the negro tenant.
When the period of chopping and picking occurs it is necessary to call in the women and children of the colored tenants. Of course the negroes who are interested in the crop will want to keep their price down. The negroes who are interested in keeping up the prices of chopping and picking are the negroes who are not bound to the landowners—the surplus negroes who are engaged spasmodically in railroad work, turpentine orchards and saw mills. These surplus hands are the men ready to strike at any time for higher chopping and picking wages. There is no way to control these men. The Farmers’ Alliance have organized them into a solid phalanx, and have extended to them their sympathy and support. The tramp negroes from the railroads, the turpentine orchards, the steamboats and the saw mills will organize to strike for higher wages for chopping and picking whenever they wish.
Just here we are brought face to face with the situation. Must we surrender to the negro tramps? It is easy for the negroes to organize into secret societies. They like that sort of business. They will have no difficulty, now that Adams’ Farmers’ Alliance coalesces with them, to demand anything they may wish and to enforce their wishes through their secret society.
There is nothing more dangerous to liberty than secret political societies, and there is nothing more dangerous to the white land-owners of the South than the secret political societies of negroes which can dictate wages.
Mobile Daily Register, September 12, 1891.
The President of the State Colored Alliance Speaks
He Repudiates the Humphrey Scheme and Says the Georgia Negroes are Not in it at All.
“MARSHALLSVILLE, Ga., September 9.—Editor Constitution: I have just read your special from Houston, Texas, regarding the colored alliance. I cannot speak for Mr. Humphrey, but I must say that the report is false, so far as it relates to the colored alliancemen of Georgia. We have not obligated ourselves to do anything of the kind, and I am glad that a few of these you interviewed had sense enough to discredit the story. We are not organized to injure farmers of any color or condition, but to further and improve the system of agriculture among the race. The only burden or hindrance with which the colored alliance has had to contend has been two or three white men that have tried to shape its policy.
The Work of White Men
“I do not doubt that the circular mentioned in your dispatch has been sent out to the different colored alliances, but the instigators of the movement are white men, working for personal gains.
“We hope to co-operate with the white alliance in an agricultural way. We are here together, and peace must reign supreme.
“The colored alliance has been suspicious of the white alliance of late, owing to two or three bills championed by them in the legislature, but that of itself, was not sufficient to warrant a retaliation of the kind mentioned.
A Hope For Best
“We hope some day that this negro question will be settled. We are tired of being tools and dupes of men who have no interest in the race. The negro must call a halt and support those who will support him. We have borne this treatment for twenty-five years. We cannot and will not stand it longer. We voted men into office only to be discarded by them. Let the white men who intend to ignore the negro or get him into trouble swap seats.
“I am sorry to be continually denying reports about our order, and I will say once for all that peace and friendship must exist between the races. Respectfully,
“EDWARD S. RICHARDSON.”
State Lecturer Carter Talks
THOMASVILLE, Ga., September 9—J. W. Carter, State lecturer of the Colored Farmers’ alliance of Georgia, has a card which will appear in tomorrow’s Time-Enterprise. He is strongly opposed to the advance of price of cotton-picking, as proposed by the Cotton Pickers’ league. Among the many things he has discussed in his card, Jack says:
“As a member of the State board of trustees, and a mouthpiece of the colored alliance of Georgia, by virtue of my office of State lecturer, I condemn the measure not only as being foreign to the constitution, but perfectly dangerous for a thousand reasons. There are a great many colored farmers who have to hire cotton picked, and the new order would be equally as hard on them.”
Carter strikes hard truth in the following sentence:
“I am opposed to strikes. They have never done poor people any good, only those who order and lead them are benefited.”
In conclusion, Carter gives the following advice to the colored farmers of Georgia:
“Have nothing to do with the strike. Thousands of you have made debts to be paid by cotton picking, and you know better than any one else what you can pick cotton for. We don’t intend to interfere with your local affairs, but would advise you to arrange your matters as best suits your circumstances. Strikes may do for the alliance of Texas, it will not be the case in Georgia.
Houston Daily Post, September 12, 1891.
Here in the South a great trouble has arisen between the cotton pickers and the planters. It would seem that the Alliance could be of service in such a juncture. Indeed, it was said to have been organized for just such business. But Messrs. Polk and Macune and the rest of the officers have no time to give to such things, but must spend the money of the order in stumping tour for political purposes all over the Union. Peffer and Polk are birds of a feather and they seem to have a thorough understanding. Peffer’s position, however, is more honest. He is an Alliance man and the head of the Third Party. He regards the latter as the offspring of the farmer. He favors throwing the whole Alliance vote to the Third Party. He goes about the country openly and emphatically urging this course. Polk, being in entire sympathy with Peffer, secretly tries to achieve by indirection the same end. Peffer must, therefore, command more respect than Polk. The Democrats of the South cannot afford to palter with either.69
Memphis Appeal-Avalanche, September 13, 1891.
Czar Humphrey’s Million of Negro Strikers All A Myth
Reports From All Over the South Show the Negroes Picking Cotton for Dear Life—Reports Also Indicate That the Negroes Have Never Heard of Humphrey.
Alabama Negroes at Work
BIRMINGHAM, Ala., Sept. 12.—The threatened cotton pickers’ strike in Alabama has not materialized. Reports have been received here from all over the State, and the men are working everywhere. No strike was feared in Alabama, however. Sixty per cent, of the colored Alliance men of this State rent land or work on the lease or shares system. Hence, a strike would be impracticable.
Still Picking in North Carolina
WILMINGTON, N.C., Sept. 12.—Thus far there are no indications of a strike of cotton pickers in North Carolina, and if inaugurated it is believed it will prove a dismal failure. The white Alliance men cannot afford to countenance such a movement, and will use their best efforts to prevent it. . . .
No Strike in Mississippi
Special Dispatch to the Appeal-Avalanche
VICKSBURG, MISS., Sept. 12.—No trouble with the cotton pickers, as threatened by Humphrey, their Texas leader, has occurred in this territory. Hands are in plentiful supply at the usual rates.
A Myth in Georgia
ATLANTA, Ga., Sept. 12—The reported strike of cotton pickers in Georgia proved to be a myth. The negroes are all at work, except in such portions of the State where it is raining.
Memphis Appeal-Avalanche, September 13, 1891.
The Cotton Was Picked on Yesterday Just as Usual A Talk With Manager Humphrey
NEW ORLEANS, September 12.—A Picayune’s Houston, Tex., special says today is set for the big cotton pickers’ strike which is to embrace every state in the cotton belt. Colonel Humphrey, the white man who has engineered the scheme, and who expects to reap the benefit, said last night to your correspondent:
“I have the names of 1,100,000 pickers in all portions of the south who stopped picking last night until they get a $1 a hundred and board. These men are all under oath to pick no man’s cotton but their own until the 1st of November.”
In reply to the question as to where the movement was strongest, he replied: In Louisiana, Mississippi and Alabama nearly every colored picker has joined the league, and that in the Atlantic states the membership is large. As to how the pickers will exist through the fall and winter, he says they have been advised to seek other employment at any price, all of which is utterly impracticable, as cottonfield negroes could not make much headway in the cities and towns, and if they should strike it would mean just so many petty thieves turned loose upon the communities, colored cotton pickers, as a rule, being the most impoverished and thriftless class of men on the plantation.
Reports from different sections of south Texas show that no trouble is anticipated though there is some dissatisfaction among the darkies of the black belt, but, of what nature he did not know.
North Carolinians Not Afraid
CHARLOTTE, N. C., September 12.—Cotton picking has not fairly begun in this section as yet. Consequently nothing is heard of the cotton pickers’ strike. A special to The Chronicle from Raleigh gives the following correspondent, Butler of the white Farmers’ Alliance of this state. President Butler said:
“A strike is not yet ordered for North Carolina. I read today the organ of the colored alliance. It is Humphrey’s paper, and is published in Texas. It orders a strike for Texas and South Carolina. The reason why a strike is not ordered for this state is that the strength of the alliance is not so great here as in the states above referred to. I do not think the figures giving 35,000 as the strength of the colored alliance in North Carolina are correct. I think that the alliance is exaggerating its strength. Today we had a sort of conference here in regard to this matter of strike. No definite action was agreed upon.
The Colored Men’s Mistake
“We await the order for a strike in this state. We hope it will not come. Next week The Reform Press will lecture colored alliancemen and will take a decided stand in disapproval of their course. The Progressive Farmer will have an editorial on the matter, and so will my paper, The Clinton Caucasian. The fact is, the negro alliance is kicking at things in sight instead of joining the white alliance in getting at the cause of the troubles. The negroes have made a mistake. Some years ago the white alliance struck and made a failure of it. This strike is aimed directly at the cotton planter, who is a friend and supporter of the negro. We will try to induce the colored alliance to reconsider its hasty, ill-timed and improper action. If persuasion is of no use, and the strike is called to North Carolina, then we will crush it out. We have the strength in the white alliance here to do it.”
No Signs in South Carolina
CHARLESTON, S.C., September 12.—Specials to The News and Courier from all parts of South Carolina state that there are no signs of a strike in the cotton fields. Nobody seems to know anything about the alleged strike of cotton pickers. Farmers are paying from thirty to forty cents per hundred.
No Strike in Florida
JACKSONVILLE, Fla., September 12.—Inquiry in all sections of the cotton belt in Florida fails to discover any locality where the negro cotton pickers have joined the strike announced for today. A large portion of the cotton lands are cultivated on the lease and share system.
All Quiet in Alabama
MONTGOMERY, Ala., September 1w.—There is no development of the cotton pickers’ strike in Alabama. As far as known no such movement was ever intended here.
Florence Has Not Heard of It
FLORENCE, S.C., September 12.—[Special.]—The reported cotton pickers’ strike has not been heard of by the alliance in this section. No circulars were received from Humphrey. Neither farmers nor cotton pickers could afford it.
New York Times, September 13, 1891.
That’s What the Cotton Strike Amounted To
The Negroes Not So Foolish as to be Gulled Into Engaging in a Hopless Contest
Mr. R. M. Humphrey, superintendent of the Cotton Pickers’ league, was found in bed at 10 o’clock last night when a Post reporter called at his residence on Magnolia street to learn if he had any news from the cotton pickers’ strike.
Several heavy knocks on the big walnut door aroused Mr. Humphrey from his slumbers, and a moment later he put in an appearance.
Mr. Humphrey’s home is in a secluded spot a hundred yards back from the street. When he appeared at the opened door and asked who was there, it was necessary for the reporter to make known his identity.
“Anything from the league, Mr. Humphrey?” asked the reporter after apologizing for the abrupt intrusion.
“Not a word,” came the reply instantly.
“Have you received nothing from the outside country showing to what extent the strike has grown?”
“Not a word, sir.”
“Did you receive any further memberships today?”
“A few came in, but not many.”
It was evident that the leader of the Cotton Pickers’ league did not want to talk, and the interview was brought to a close.
In Other Counties
Walker County
HUNTSVILLE, Texas, September 12.—From a general inquiry it is evident that the Walker county negro population is hardly aware that such a thing as a general strike of cotton pickers is expected to take place today. They are not “in it.” The majority of them are tenanted anyway, and pick their own cotton. It is hardly thought the average cotton picker can afford to strike, as the little money he makes the next month or so is very essential to his existence during that time. The only strike noticeable here this evening was the “strike” the pickers were all making for town, to get a chance to spend the money they have made the past week. A few of the largest cotton raisers interviewed, laughed at the idea of a strike and said if such a thing should happen they would let the cotton rot in the field before they would pay $1 per 100 and board, especially during the present low prices for the staple.
WALLER COUNTY
HEMPSTEAD, Texas, September 12.—The 12th of September has come and gone and with it Humphrey’s cotton pickers’ strike. The demand for $1 per 100 pounds has not even been mentioned by the colored pickers and Monday morning hundreds of pickers will leave this place for different parts of the county at the usual rate, 50 cents per 100 and board. No county in the State would have been more seriously affected by such a strike than would Waller county. We are right in the negro belt and depend upon negro labor entirely. But the best of feeling prevails between the whites and blacks and Humphrey’s scheme, had it been successful, would have been a curse to the very people he pretends to wish to benefit.
WASHINGTON COUNTY
BRENHAM, Texas, September 12.—The Cotton Pickers’ league has no following in this county. The cotton pickers all worked till noon today with no thought of striking, quitting then for their usual Saturday half holiday. The POST correspondent has interviewed a number of them and they are all unanimous in the opinion that the scheme could not have been carried out here for the reason that all the members of the colored alliance in this county are farmers and it would be against their interest to encourage a raise in the price of picking, as they would have to pay it. As far as Washington county is concerned the league is a failure and no strike has or will take place.
WHARTON COUNTY
WHARTON, Texas, September 12.—It suddenly developed here today that there were five colored alliances in this county. As this is the day set for the strike. The POST reporter learns that delegates from the different alliances in the county are in secret session discussing what action to take. From leading negroes in the alliance it is learned that no strike is probable. Only one of the lodges hold out for a strike, while four are against it. The dissension comes from tramp cotton pickers. Leading colored men in the county are against the strike to a man.
VICTORIA COUNTY
VICTORIA, Texas, September 12.—The threatened cotton pickers’ strike did not alarm nor affect Victoria county farmers. The city was crowded with colored people today, but not one of them could be found who had complied with Czar Humphrey’s mandate or who intended to do so. There was no strike in any part of the county. The colored people of this county are sensible and generally prosperous and have wisely decided to let well enough alone.
BURLESON COUNTY
CALDWELL, Texas, September 12.—After diligent inquiry we fail to find any materialization of the great cotton pickers’ strike. The negroes constitute the bulk of the cotton pickers in this county, and as the darkey is not a bright and shining example of a secret keeper, and as we have heard nothing of the strike here, we conclude that the pickers of this county are not “in it” to any very considerable extent.
TRINITY COUNTY
TRINITY, Texas, September 12.—After interviewing the business men of the city and several of the colored leaders, THE POST representative is authorized to state that there will be no strike of the cotton pickers in this section.
BRAZORIA COUNTY
VELASCO, Texas, September 12.—The representative has not heard of any league among the negro cotton pickers to strike for $1 per 100 pounds, though it may exist and crop out later. As a class the plantation hands in Brazoria county are probably better paid and housed than in any other part of the South, as proves by recent census statistics and the appearance of their cabins and surroundings.
AUSTIN COUNTY
BELLVILLE, Texas, September 12.—There is no organized strike of the cotton pickers here, although a gentleman of color was in town yesterday, who, it was said, was using his influence in that direction. From what can be learned, the movement will amount to nothing in this county.
SEALY, Texas, September 12.—If there is now or going to be a strike among the cotton pickers in this locality, there is at this time no evidence of it.
CALDWELL COUNTY
LULING, Texas, September 12.—A number of farmers were seen this morning, none of whom anticipate any trouble with the cotton pickers. None have had any intimation of a strike. One or two prominent negroes were seen and they think their people are very well satisfied with prices. One very sensible negro said that he thought the pickers were making more money than the producer, and that at the present prices the farmer is paying all that he can afford.
RAYS COUNTY
SAN MARCOS, Texas, September 12.—Our planters and dealers unite in saying that the proclamation under the auspices of the Colored Farmers’ alliance of a Cotton Pickers’ league for the advancement of the wages of pickers has fallen still-born here. A large part of the crop is gathered. There are a sufficiency of Mexicans to complete the work and the negroes themselves are taking little or no interest in the movement.
ROBERTSON COUNTY
FRANKLIN, Texas, September 12.—Our town has been quiet today as regards the cotton pickers’ strike. Negroes here seem to know nothing of the organization and are wholly indifferent on the subject where interviewed. The prevailing opinion here is that Humphrey is panting for a little notoriety and fell upon this plan to obtain it. The cotton crop is falling 25 per cent short.
ANDERSON COUNTY
PALESTINE, Texas, September 12.—The cotton pickers’ strike met with little attention here and was scarcely agitated upon the streets. Most of the negroes here deem it to their interest not to make such a demand. Two worthless white colored men electioneered the apprehended strike without success. One farmer reports an attempt. He discharged them and matters immediately settled.
FORT BEND COUNTY
RICHMOND, Texas, September 12.—The cotton pickers in this section of the county seem to be taking very little interest in the proposed general strike to take place tonight for $1 per hundred. Your reporter has interviewed many of the largest cotton planters and they anticipate no trouble whatever in getting enough labor to pick the growing crop at reasonable wages.
LEON COUNTY
JEWETT, Texas, September 12.—No strikers in Jewett. THE POST correspondent has interviewed several of Jewett’s leading men on the sensible results should the negroes succeed in their effort, and the popular opinion seems to be that it would not affect the cotton crop much but would cause the farmers to cultivate other staples which would be far more profitable than cotton.
DE WITT COUNTY
CUERO, Texas, September 12.—The question of the negro strike is not known here among the darkies. After dilligent inquiry from whites and blacks from all sections of the county, nothing can be learned of any intended strike. The alliance has several lodges in the county, but none are going into the strike. In fact, all darkies interviewed were opposed to the movement.
GUADALUPE COUNTY
SEGUIN, Texas, September 12.—There is no strike here by cotton pickers. There is no talk among pickers of undertaking a strike. Two-thirds of the pickers don’t know anything about the agitation. No interest is taken in it. Cotton is being rapidly harvested and in thirty days more the work will be over. Some are finishing now.
WILSON COUNTY
FLORESVILLE, Texas, September 12.—The negroes of this county as far as can be learned have paid no attention to the strike proposed for today. Very few negroes are employed in picking cotton in this county anyway, most of it being done by Mexicans and by the families of the men who raise it.
POLK COUNTY
LIVINGSTON, Texas, September 12.—THE POST representative has made inquiry of planters and pickers as to the proposed strike, and all concur in the opinion that it will not affect the cotton interest here in the least; that there will in a word not be any strike in this section of country.
LEE COUNTY
GIDDINGS, Texas, September 12.—No uneasiness here about the alleged strike of cotton pickers. As a rule negroes are working on shares and only have their own cotton to pick. Others get 60 cents per 100 pounds and board.
WILLIAMSON COUNTY
TAYLOR, Texas, September 12.—Can’t find anyone here that knows anything about Humphrey, his organization or the proposed strike. About two-thirds of the cotton crop is gathered.
COLORADO COUNTY
ALLEYTON, Texas, September 12.—Up to 1 o’clock no demonstrations of a strike among cotton pickers, and farmers entertain no fears that there will be any in this immediate vicinity.
MONTGOMERY COUNTY
WILLIS, Texas, September 12.—The cotton pickers at this point do not seem to know anything about Mr. Humphrey’s manifesto, hence there is no indication of a strike.
FAYETTE COUNTY
FLATONIA, Texas, September 12.—Cotton pickers in and near Flatonia are not among strikers. At Moulton, eight miles south of here, thirty-three have struck.
NAVARRO COUNTY
CORSICANA, Texas, September 12.—No strike among the cotton pickers announced here today. The farmers are not anticipating a strike.
HAYS COUNTY
KYLE, Texas, September 12.—No strike here. Pickers know nothing about it.
KARNES COUNTY
RUNGE, Texas, September 12.—There was no cotton pickers’ strike in this neighborhood today, as was expected. Several farmers were in town and report that no trouble is feared. Quite a number of cotton pickers were hired today for 60 and 65 cents per 100.
BRAZOS COUNTY
BRYANT, Texas, September 12.—There are no demonstrations of any strike here among the cotton pickers. Our darkies are either owners of land or renters, and do not pay any attention to set days for something they know they can’t get. A few of the town bums and loafers are grouped about the corners, but to no effect. Monday is the day cotton pickers’ contracts are made.
GRIMES COUNTY
NAVASOTA, Texas, September 12.—No importance is attached to the contemplated strike of cotton pickers in this section today. Everybody has heard of it and talked about it, and even the colored people are averse to it, as most of them have cotton to be gathered and are unwilling to pay the prices of the demand. Don’t think it will materialize.
Houston Daily Post, September 13, 1891.
The National Farmers’ Alliance Leader Speaking in Kansas
Partial Approval of Humphrey’s Plan The Probability of a Third Party, and the Part It is Likely to Play
TOPEKA, Kans., September 13.—[Special.]—President Polk, of the national alliance, has made three addresses in Kansas. President Polk’s opening has been devoted principally to himself. After giving his boyhood history, he reached the war period.
Was Forced Into the War
He states that he did not go into the rebel wing from choice. He upheld the union until the wave of secession swept over the south, when he did as many others did who were forced to shoulder their muskets. He had been offered the command of a company, but refused it, as acceptance would have been construed into an endorsement of the cause whose arms he carried.
He afterwards accepted the office he held because by doing so he could indirectly aid those who were fighting for the preservation of the union and in a degree mitigate the sufferings of those who, like himself, had been forced to bear arms against their country.
Upholds the Strikes
While not speaking directly about the contemplated strike of the cotton pickers in the south, he said the oppressed agricultural laborers should and shall demand the right of naming the compensation for their services, and until these demands are acceded to let every field in the land contain rotted produce, north or south.
“You here are fortunate in being your own laborers, but the plutocrats of other states must be compelled to acknowledge the God-given rights of laborers, whether they be white or black.
Some of our brethren have already made their demands, and they will be granted or entire regions will contain only families ruined by their own greed.”
In an interview today, Colonel Polk stated that the alliance movement was gaining thousands of converts throughout the south daily, and the great mass of farmers, planters and laboring men had deserted the democratic party and were standing squarely on the Ocala platform. “I believe the third party will sweep every state in the south in 1892. The old bosses down there have tried to bulldoze and force the people to take their democratic medicine, but without result. Within the past six months I could have had any office in the gifts of the democratic party, but I would not sell my principles for pottage.”
Mr. Polk uttered these words with feeling, and declared eternal warfare on both the old parties. The bloody shirt, he said, will be wrapped around the old sectional agitators, and they will be buried too deep for resurrection.
There Will Be a Third Party
“Will the alliance conference at Washington in February declare for a third party?”
“I cannot say; but there will be a third party. It might have been prevented four months ago, but now it is too late. Our people in the south have been abused and sneered by the democratic bosses and the democratic press, and we will stand it no longer. The negro domination cry won’t prevent a break of the solid democracy. We will take care of the negroes and see that they are allowed to vote. They are largely in this movement and will be an important factor in the campaign next year.”
“How about the pension question?”
“The alliance has nothing to say against the pensioning of soldiers who fought for the union. When we were defeated, we accepted the result as final and acquiesced. We shall never raise our voice against the legitimate pensioning of union soldiers. It is the result of warfare and we can shake hands with our northern brothers who wore the blue and feel that they are receiving only justice from a government whom they helped to preserve.”
Confident of Victory
Mr. Polk said the people’s party would, in his opinion, carry every southern state next year. The alliance was for the Ocala demands and would have nothing else.
Atlanta Constitution, September 14, 1891.
It Occurred Yesterday, But Was Not Alarming in Extent
Cotton Picking Hereabouts Will Not Be Affected by It—Factors and Planters Want the Idle and Vagrant Negroes Driven From the Towns
The city ticket offices of the Kansas City, Fort Scott & Memphis and the St. Louis, Iron Mountain & Southern Railroads in Memphis were yesterday besieged during business hours by swarms of colored people in quest of the cheap transportation to Oklahoma that had been advertised by the roads mentioned.
Every negro who went to inquire about the excursions did not buy a ticket. Many of them went for display, and many more because they had heard the matter talked about so much that they could not forbear investigating an excursion that they could not afford to participate in. About 150 tickets represent the entire sales of the two roads, and these were about equally divided between them. Most of them were sold to negroes who do not live in Memphis, but work small farms in the adjacent territory. They came in early in the morning with their families, and by midday had made Oklahoma the subject of conversation all over the city wherever there was a group of colored people.
One rather aged negro, who got a ticket for himself and wife, was asked, as he shoved the pasteboard into his pocket, where he was from.
“A couple of miles beyon’ Bartlett.”
“Have you a farm out there?”
“Yes; I’ve got some cotton planted.”
“Isn’t it pretty nearly ready to pick?”
“Yes, but I guess it’ll stand for a month or so. Anyhow, I ain’t goin’ to miss dis yer chance to see Oklahomy. If I like the country I will come back and sell out.”
All the tickets sold are for return trips, so that the exodus has but little significance at the present time, except as it may influence other negroes to go in the same direction to stay at a future time. Early in the summer a good many negroes went to Oklahoma on a trip, and upon their return were extravagant in their praise of the country and bold in predicting that thousands of negroes would move there to stay this fall. But so far very few of them have moved, although the outlook for such action was very favorable a week ago, when a protracted meeting in Chelsea was suspended, to be resumed in Oklahoma when the participants all met in that promised land. Those who went yesterday said that if they brought back a favorable report the hegira would be taken up by thousands, but that threat will probably fall as harmless as did its predecessor.
In any event the picking of cotton in this territory is not going to be seriously interferred with. ‘Squire Hughey, who operates a plantation near the city, said yesterday that cotton in this vicinity will be ready for picking at the beginning of next week, and the work will be entered upon at once. He said he did not think the combined action of either planters or pickers would cut any figure in the prices paid the negroes, neither combination being strong or general enough to interfere much, and prices this year will be fixed as in former years, by the conditions in each case.
“I am not surprised,” he said, “to learn that many of the negroes who raise cotton have gone to Oklahoma and left their crop to suffer. That is not contrary to their usual mode of procedure. They are very slovenly in the management of their affairs. They are always in debt and always expect to be. It is a curious fact that if one of them finds himself in debt at the end of the year he estimates his profits at that much. If he can’t get ahead of his merchant he considers that he is losing money.”
In view of the near approach of the cotton picking season the police officials of Memphis have been requested by planters and factors, in an individual capacity, to drive from the city all the idle and vagrant negroes that they may go to the country and help harvest the crop. The police say they would be glad to do this as it would reduce the amount of crime in the city, and the suburban robbery would be suspended for a time. Yet they do not do it. Probably they are waiting for orders from the commissioners.
Memphis Appeal-Avalanche, September 16, 1891.
48. NEGRO COTTON PICKERS THREATENING
COFFYVILLE, Miss., Sept. 25.—The white people all along the line of the Illinois Central railroad and in every county of the delta are actively preparing for an anticipated general attack by the blacks. Prominent men with whom interviews have been had are seriously considering the outbreak and arms are being bought on both sides. At Water Valley, ten miles north of here, 200 men have organized for protection. At Grenada, ten miles south of here it is supposed that negro cotton hands have organized and will demand an increase in their wages or guard the fields with shotguns and prevent others from gathering crops. The present price for picking is 50₵ per hundred.
Leavenworth (La.) Advocate, September 28, 1889.
GLENWOOD, Miss.—Louis Nelson and John Coleman were killed at Winter City yesterday evening and Wilson Porter was hung at Sunnyside this morning. . . . This swells the total number killed in the Delta troubles to 25. The latest reports from Winter City say that 13 white men had surrounded Geo. Allen the Negro leader a few miles from there. He has only one follower and both are well armed. They will never surrender alone. A majority of the women and children from up the river who ran away from their homes and came here for protection have returned home as they were assured that the trouble had about ended.
It has been discovered that the Durant Commercial Co. of Farmers’ Alliance store at Durant, Miss. has been furnishing the money to Negroes by which they procured their guns. They of course did this as a regular commercial transaction, but they have been resolved upon. The Valden Negro newspaper has been ordered discontinued.
The number of guns captured amount to 220. They are improved Winchester and Spencer rifles. The plan of the Negroes becomes more diabolical as each tale is unfolded. Last Sunday four Negro excursion trains from Greenville, Jackson, Durant and Winona were to have arrived here early in the morning. The alarm given on last Saturday caused the railroads to cancel the excursion trains. It is estimated that 1,000 Negroes were to come.
The planters met at Sunnyside this morning and unanimously adopted the following resolutions:
WHEREAS, It is the sense of this meeting that the organization known here as the Colored Farmers’ Alliance is being diverted from its original or supposed purpose and is being used by designing and corrupt Negroes to further their intentions and selfish motive. . . .
Washington Bee, September 27, 1889.
Fatal Fight Between Negro Cotton Pickers in Arkansas
The Culmination of a Strike For Higher Wages
MARIANNA, Ark., Sept. 26.—The trouble between the cotton pickers in St. Francis Township culminated in a riot. Forty armed negroes appeared in the township and drove all the pickers from the field and burned Planter Bond’s gin-house. Subsequently the pickers and the armed invaders met and engaged in a fierce struggle, resulting in several negroes being killed and a number wounded. The Sheriff of the county quelled the disturbance and has the leaders in custody. The riot grew out of a strike inaugurated by a number of pickers who demanded 75 cents per 100 pounds, an increase of 25 cents. The planters refused their demands. The dissatisfied negroes at once struck and their places were immediately filled by others. The strikers became annoyed at these proceedings and tried to persuade the working negroes to quit. Being refused, a great fight ensued, women, men and children participating, armed with hoes, sticks, knives and revolvers. It is reported that two men were killed outright.
St. Louis Post Dispatch, September 27, 1891.
Negro Uprising in Lee County, Ark.
Death and Destruction Threatened to the Planters
White People Organize to Resist the Black Mob
An armed band of 100 negroes, bent on death and devastation, is carrying terror over Lee County, Ark.
One well-known planter, Tom Miller, agent for J. F. Frank, has been killed, so report has it, several ginhouses have been burned, and the black mob is still at large with a posse of white men in pursuit.
This information was brought to the city yesterday by gentlemen from Lee and Crittenden Counties, and confirms reports that have already come to this paper by wire. The apprehensions of those who predicted bloodshed as the result of the strike of negro cotton pickers in Lee County have been realized, and the end is not yet.
The strike has been on in Lee County for four or five days. The planters offer 50 cents per 100 for picking cotton, and the negroes have refused to work for these figures. Hence work has been at a standstill, and the mutterings of the idle, hungry and dissatisfied blacks have taken definite form. On Saturday the cloudburst. An armed gang of about 100 negroes, all mounted, appeared along the road leading to J. F. Frank’s plantation, near Dr. Peters’ mound. Tom Miller, the agent of Mr. Frank, met the marauders and tried to parley with them, but they shot him down in a manner unknown to those who brought the story to Memphis.
The negroes proceeded on their way, uttering dire threats against the planters who had not acceded to their demands and denouncing and reviling all white persons they met. They next appeared in the Park place, where Bond & Terrell’s ginhouse was fired, and burned to the ground with all its contents. Other ginhouses they treated in the same way. In the afternoon Mr. Frank Bond, of the firm of Bond & Terrell, learning of the fate of his ginhouse, set out on horseback to meet the rioters.
“Come on, men! I’m one of you!” he shouted when he came up with them. They followed him, not knowing who he was. He proposed that they proceed to Raggio’s village and loot the hamlet. This fell in with their inclinations, and they permitted him to guide them. He went on ahead, to reconnoiter the place he said. But instead he rode into the village, gave the alarm, and soon had a large posse armed to resist and exterminate the mob. But the negroes got wind of the preparations that had been made to meet them. A negro preacher at Raggio’s village rode out and warned them. They turned back, and thus saved themselves for other deeds of vandalism.
By this time the entire county had been aroused. The sheriff had been called out by Mr. Bond, and these two soon organized a posse of 50 men to go in pursuit of the blacks, who fled toward Scanlan’s Landing. Yesterday morning the chase was resumed, and Sheriff Werner, of Crittendon County, was called upon for aid and responded.
Up to a late hour yesterday the negroes had not been captured, but a report was current in the city that two of them had been killed.
Memphis Appeal-Avalanche, September 28, 1891.
52. THE COTTON PICKERS’ STRIKE
The law officers of Lee County, Ark., will probably be able to deal with the riotous negroes who have set out to burn houses and gins and to kill all who oppose them. If not, the Governor of the State should promptly assist in restoring order. The cause of the trouble is said to be the dissatisfaction of the negroes over the reduction in the price of cotton picking, necessitated by the low price of cotton this fall. It is more than probable that some mischief-makers, whose identity is not yet known, have been stirring the negroes to bloody revolt. That question can be investigated afterward. The present business in hand is to capture the black devils who have been disturbing the peace of Lee County and destroying property. One man is reported to have been killed. There is no telling what further troubles may ensue, unless the Lee County sheriff succeeds in extinguishing the flame that has been started. The negroes should be made to understand that they cannot commit these outrages with impunity, and that the penalty is very severe. The APPEAL-AVALANCE gives a full account this morning of what happened in Lee County Saturday, and it is gratifying to find that the officers of the law have been so prompt in taking hold of the case.
Memphis Appeal-Avalanche, September 28, 1891.
Details of the Lee County Riots
The Riotous Negroes Have Taken to the Canebrakes
MARIANNA, Ark., Sept. 28.—The search continues for the negroes who on last Friday began a strike, on Friday night burned a ginhouse, and on Saturday afternoon waylaid and assasinated Thomas Miller, overseer on J. F. Frank’s plantation, in the eastern or bottom part of the county. The negroes are hiding in a dense canebrake covering some 20,000 acres, and it is impossible for the officers to reach them. At noon today a few of the sheriff’s posse, who left Saturday, returned and reported the true condition of things. The scene of the trouble is in the Mississippi and St. Francis river bottoms, and it is almost impossible to get accurate information promptly. There is no telegraph, telephone or railroad connection between here and there, and horseback is the only means of travel, as the roads will not permit the use of a buggy or wagon.
The Trouble Had Its Origin
on Sunday night, September 20, when about 25 negroes, under the leadership of two men whose names could not be learned, assembled at Col. H. P. Rodger’s place and agreed to strike if the price for cotton picking, which was recently fixed by a convention of farmers of Arkansas, Tennessee and Mississippi at 50 cents a 100 pounds, was not raised. Col. Rodgers heard of the occurrence the next morning, and compelled the ringleaders to leave his at once. It was supposed that this was the end of the matter, as all the pickers worked steadily and quietly in all the fields for several days, but Friday morning about 20 of the negroes refused to go to work and in a short time began to visit the cotton field and compel all pickers who were working for 50 cents to quit work. This became monotonous, and the planters applied to the officers to put a stop to it. A local deputy sheriff summoned a small posse and attempted to arrest the intimidators, but they eluded him. He then sent word to Sheriff Derrick at Marianos, and Friday night the sheriff and five deputies left here for the scene of the trouble. The next morning a second posse of 15 men followed them. The negroes seemed to have a particular spite against Frank Bond, one of the largest planters. During the day on Friday, while returning to his store at Raggio City from Possum Ridge, he was met by a body of armed men, who compelled him to turn back, when he took a circuitous route and reached his store. That night his fine new gin and nine bales of cotton, valued at $4,000, were burned by incendiaries, supposed to be the strikers. Deputies continued the chase all Friday night, but without result, and began anew upon the arrival Saturday of reinforcements. Shortly after noon the sheriff, at the head of a posse of about 75 men, about 25 of whom were negroes, who were with the planters and against the strikers, started out again in search of the rascals. Thomas Miller, overseer on the J. F. Frank place, was one of the posse, but from some cause lingered behind and was finally lost to sight. Several miles had been traversed, when the posse heard firing some distance behind them. They at once began a return journey and soon came upon the dead body of Thomas Miller, lying by the side of the road. In his body were 14 buckshot, while his head and face was torn to pieces by hundreds of squirrel-shot. He had been waylaid and assassinated. The assassins had cut his watch off and stolen it, and robbed the dead body of some money and a pistol. This occurrence added fuel to the flame, and the search was begun with increased zeal, but all to no avail. The impenetrable canebrake hid the murders in its mysterious depths, and they were safe in that immense swamp of 20,000 acres. It is thought that the posse passed the hiding place of the fugitives without seeing them, and they, thinking the entire party had passed, ventured out. Mr. Miller came upon them and they first murdered him and then robbed him. The coroner was notified and left for the scene with a posse of men to hold an inquest. All night long the search for the fugitives was continued, and Sunday, too, was spent in the fruitless effort to bring the murders within the reach of the law. Sunday morning Robert Fuller, a negro man, who was at first identified with the strikers, was seen at O’Connor’s store at the Peters’ Mound place and said he had deserted the marauders. He gave no difinite information, however, and soon disappeared. When officers arrived soon after, Fuller was not to be found. They searched diligently in all the fields houses, but he had mysteriously disappeared. It is thought the trouble is ended and that the strike is over with. About 50 officers are still in pursuit of the fugitives, but there is little prospect of a capture so long as they use the canebrake for a hiding place. It was reported yesterday that a negro had been killed by the strikers, but the report is false. The report that the Governor will be appealed to for assistance is also without foundation. The sheriff is amply able to take care of the matter. It is expected that the sheriff and those of the posse who reside here will return tomorrow.
Memphis Appeal-Avalanche, September 29, 1891.
Special Dispatch to the Glove-Democrat.
“MARIANNA, Ark., Sept., 28.—The search continues for the negroes who on last Friday began a strike, on Friday night burned a gin-house, and on Saturday afternoon waylaid and assassinated Thomas Miller, overseer on J. F. Frank’s plantation in the eastern or bottom part of the county. The negroes are hiding in a dense cane-brake covering some 20,000 acres, and it is impossible for officers to reach them. At noon today, a few of the sheriff’s posse, who left Saturday, returned here and reported the true condition of things.
The scene of the trouble is in the Mississippi and St. Francis river bottoms, and it is almost impossible to get accurate information promptly. There is no telegraph, telephone or railroad connection between here and there, horseback is the only means of travel, as the roads will not permit the use of a buggy or wagon. The trouble had its origin on Sunday night, September 20th, when about twenty-five negroes under the leadership of two men whose names could not be learned, assembled at Col. H. P. Rodgers’ place and agreed to strike if the price for cotton picking which was recently fixed by a convention of the farmers of Arkansas, Tennessee and Mississippi at 50₵ per hundred pounds, was not raised. Col. Rodgers heard of the occurrence the next morning, and compelled the ringleaders to leave his place at once. Friday morning about twenty of the negroes refused to go to work and in a short while began to visit the cotton-field and compel all pickers who were working for 50₵ to quit work. This became monotonous and the Planters applied to the officers to put a stop to it.
A local deputy sheriff summoned a small posse and attempted to arrest the intimidators but they eluded him. He then sent word to Sheriff Derrick at Marianna, and Friday night the Sheriff and five deputies left here for the scene of the trouble. The next morning a second posse of fifteen men followed. The negroes seemed to have a particular spite against Frank Bond, one of the largest planters. During the day on Friday, while returning to his store at Raggio City, from ‘Possum Ridge, he was met by a body of armed men and compelled to turn back, when he took a circuitous route and reached his store. That night his fine new gin and nine bales of cotton valued at $4,000, were burned by incendiaries, supposed to be the strikers.
Deputies continued the chase all of Friday night, but without result, and began new upon the arrival of Saturday’s reinforcements. Shortly after noon, the Sheriff at the head of about seventy-five men, about twenty-five of whom were negroes who were with the planters and against the strikers, started out again in search of the rascals.
Thomas Miller, overseer on the J. F. Frank place, was one of the posse but from some cause lingered behind, and was finally lost to sight. Several miles had been traveled when the posse heard firing some distance behind. They at once began a return journey, and soon came upon the dead body of Thos. Miller lying by the side of the road. In his body were fourteen buckshot while his head and face were torn to pieces by hundreds of squirrel shot. He had been waylaid and assassiniated. The assassins had cut his watch off and stolen it, and robbed the dead body of some money and a pistol.
This occurrence lent fresh fuel to the flames, and the search was begun with increased zeal, but all to no avail. The impenetrable cane-brake hid the murders in its mysterious depths, and they were safe in that immense swamp of 20,000 acres. It is thought that the posse passed the hiding place of the fugitives without seeing them, and they, thinking the entire party had vanished, ventured out. Mr. Miller came upon them, and they robbed and murdered him. The coroner was notified, and left with a posse of men to hold an inquest.
All night long the search for the fugitives was continued, and Sunday too, was spent in the chase. It is thought the trouble is ended and that the strike is over with. It was reported yesterday that a negro had been killed by the strikers, but the report is false. The report that the Governor will be appealed to for assistance is also without foundation.
Richmond Planet, October 17, 1891.
The Lee County Trouble Settled With Rope Nine Negroes Taken From the Deputies and Hanged
HELENA, ARK., October 1.—It is learned that Sheriff Derrick, of Marianna, Ark., left Cat Island Last night, having in charge nine of the thirteen cotton picker rioters who killed Inspector Miller in Arkansas last Friday. The Sheriff was on his way to Marianna where he was going to put his prisoners in jail, but the party was overtaken late last night by an armed posse, who took the prisoners after a sharp struggle, and hanged the entire party. Further particulars are expected tonight.
THE REPORT CONFIRMED
HELENA, ARK., October 1.—There has been considerable excitement in this city today over the rumors concerning the warfare in the county caused by a body of imported cotton pickers inciting the negroes to a general strike for higher wages for cotton picking. This trouble would not have been very bad, but when the lawless rascals who are nearly all supposed to be from the crap dens of Memphis and other cities went so far as to forcibly prevent all the negroes from picking cotton at all till their demands were acceded to, and armed themselves for that purpose, and finally waylaid and shot to death Mr. Thos. Miller, the manager of J. F. Frank’s plantation and followed up this dastardly deed by burning the gin house of Messrs. Terrell & Boyd, the situation became a very serious one. Sheriff W. B. Derrick, of Lee County, went over to the district several days ago with a small number of deputies, which was increased the next day by several more, making a large posse. The ringleaders of the mob were traced to a swamp, where they were surrounded. This was the status of the situation when the steamer Jas. Lee landed here this morning. From a passenger on board the boat and from her officers it was learned that a negro badly wounded in the thigh, came on board the boat at Cat Island. About midnight he was taken to the barber shop and confessed that he was one of the crowd which assassinated Mr. Miller on Tuesday last; that he and his companions had been hiding in the swamp; that they had made a break for liberty and had been fired on and some of them, he didn’t know how many, killed, and the balance captured. He had escaped and made his way through the darkness to the landing. The same man was taken off the boat at Hackle’s Landing by a crowd of masked men and carried on shore. They were cool, orderly and heavily and brooked no opposition, making the officers and passengers stand back until they had carried the wounded negro up the bank.
As the boat moved away from the landing a number of shots were heard, and the presumption is that he was killed. It is thought that the negro was the notorious Ben Patterson, who organized the riot, and led the crowd that assassinated Mr. Miller. The locality is an isolated one and communication is entirely by the river, consequently full particulars are slow in reaching here.
Later, Deputy Sheriffs Frank Mills and Jessie Hodges, who have been with Sheriff Derrick the last three days, have just arrived in this city and report as follows: Yesterday afternoon they succeeded in locating thirteen of the worst of the rioting negroes in a cane break near Cat Island. . . . When ordered to surrender and give up their arms. The negroes answered by a volley of shots, and made a dash to escape. Two were killed, two escaped, and nine were captured. These nine were discovered and given in charge of Deputies Mills and Hodges, who started with them to Marianna, the county seat, a few miles back of Hackley’s Landing. The Deputies found themselves and prisoners surrounded by a crowd of masked men mounted and armed. They demanded the prisoners at the hands of the deputies, who expostulated with them and begged that they be not deferred from the peaceful discharge of their duty, which was to land the prisoners in jail, to be dealt with by the law of the land.
The masked party were determined, however, and, as they outnumbered the Deputy Sheriffs twenty-five to one, took charge of the nine prisoners, marched them into a thicket and hung them until they were dead. The same party must have met the steamer Jas. Lee at Hackley’s Landing, and captured the wounded man referred to. From these accidents it appears that the only man escaped out of the thirteen was the one who had taken refuge in the brake, two being killed by the Sheriff’s posse and ten by the masked mob.
The negroes were mostly, it is thought, from Memphis, though several were killed who lived in the vicinity of Cat Island. Ben Patterson, who is known as a crap shooter, and all-round negro gambler, organized the strike in behalf of the crowds of cotton pickers, who annually go from Memphis to the bottoms. The negro Alliance had nothing to do with the disturbance whatever. Patterson had enough influence with his crowd to organize and then by force of threats and by violence forced the resident negroes to support them.
They swore they would never pick a lock of cotton for less than $1 per hundred, nor allow anybody else to pick it. After they had gone so far as to kill Miller and burn the gin-house of Terrell and Bond, it became a matter to be dealt with whether the trouble is over although the general impression is that it is. The death of Patterson settles it.
THE RING-LEADER SHOT
HELENA, ARK., October 1.—The labor troubles in Lee County are probably over for the present. A passenger on the James Lee this morning says that the leaders of the negroes have either been killed or captured. At Star Landing a negro got on board the Lee who was pretty badly wounded in the thigh. He was carried to the barber shop and acknowledged that he was with the crowd that shot Miller a few days ago. He also states that the party of fifteen negroes who had been hiding in a swamp surrounded by the Sheriff’s posse had made a break for liberty, and that five or six of them had been killed or wounded and one of them captured a few miles below Star Landing. While at the landing a crowd of masked men came board the boat and took the wounded negro on shore with them. As the boat backed out a number of shots were heard, but it is not known whether the prisoner was shot. It is thought the man was Ben Patterson, the leader of the rioters. With the dispersion of the mob it is thought the troubles will soon be forgotten.
Arkansas Gazette, October 2, 1891.
Ten Negroes Taken from Officers and Hanged or Shot Masked White Men the Avengers
Story of the Riot Precipitated by the Cotton Pickers’ Strike in Arkansas—A Terrible Reckoning
HELENA, ARK., October 2.—There has been considerable excitement here over the warfare in the country caused by the imported cotton pickers inciting the negroes to a general strike for higher wages, which has culminated in a riot. Yesterday Deputies Frank Mills and Jesse Hodges, who have been with Sheriff Derrick for the last few days, arrived in the city and report as follows:
Wednesday afternoon they succeeded in locating the worst of the rioting negroes in a canebrake near Cat Island. The negroes had been trying to work their way toward President’s Island and thence to Memphis. The sheriff’s posse called upon them to surrender and give up their arms. The negroes answered by a volley shots and made a dash to escape. Two were killed, two escaped and nine captured. These negroes were disarmed and given in charge of Deputies Mills and Hodges, who started with them to Marianna, the county seat. A few miles back of Hackley’s Landing the deputies found themselves and their prisoners surrounded by a crowd of masked men, mounted and armed. They demanded the prisoners at the hands of the deputies, and as they outnumbered the deputies two to one, took charge of the prisoners, marched them into the thicket and hanged them.
It is believed that most of the negroes were from Memphis. Among the killed is Ben Patterson, who is known as a crap shooter and all around gambler, and who organized the strike on behalf of the cotton pickers, who annually go from Memphis to the bottoms. The other eight negroes had nothing to do with the disturbance whatever. It remains to be seen whether the trouble is entirely over, although the general impression is that it is—that the death of Patterson settles it.
Coroner F. M. Mills, one of the sheriff’s posse, who has been out since last Saturday hunting the riotous negroes, gives the particulars of the strike as related to him by the leaders of the strikers, Patterson. Mit Jones came to him last Thursday and told him a white man in the bottoms told him (Jones) that the negroes were fools to pick cotton at 50 cents a hundred and if they would strike they would be backed by himself and other responsible white men. They therefore concluded to call a meeting to take some action in the premises. It was held at the house of a negro named McDonald on the Peters Mound place last Thursday night. This was attended by twenty-five or thirty, and was engineered by Mit Jones and his father, Peter Jones. They decided to strike and nineteen of them armed themselves, and on Friday morning started out to stop picking at the rate named, moral suasion to be used if it would do, but force if necessary.
They commenced at J. F. Frank’s farm, intending to visit every farm from there to Cat Island. They hoped to strengthen their forces as they went. All those arrested, nine in number, so far as information which is supposed to be reliable goes, claimed to know nothing of the burning of Bond’s ginhouse. After his gin was burned, Bond came to Marianna after the sheriff and posse, and old man Peter Jones came to the strikers and told them that Bond had gone for the sheriff and they had better look out. Mit Jones, when he heard it, said: “He will never get there. We will head him off and kill him.”
MURDER OF MILLS
The rioters then went up toward Bledsoe’s landing. Sheriff Derrick and posse started out and, passing Mr. Frank’s farm, summoned Mr. Miller, a member. Miller was not ready, but promised to follow later. The gang saw the sheriff and posse pass and started to fire into them, but concluded that the woods were not thick enough to make their escape, and let them pass. They had gone a mile or two when Miller came along. Mit Jones halted him and Miller stopped. Miller asked what he wanted. Mit Jones said with an insulting oath: “We are going to kill you.” Miller parleyed, gave up his pistol, watch and money at the demand of one Daney Fields, a member of the mob. They commanded him to come into the woods and he gathered up his reins as if to comply, and striking spurs to his horse started to run, whereupon all hands shot him save three. He fell off his horse and after he was down they shot him through the head and dragged him into the bushes. The mob took to the cane where they stayed during the day and that night all went to their homes. The sheriff’s posse having passed them and being unable to take them turned back and finding the body of Miller took him home and had him buried. The posse stopped at Alligator haven that night and next morning where reinforced by about twenty-five negroes of the neighborhood who came armed and equipped and. tendered their services to the sheriff. These stayed with the posse all the time afterward as long as needed.
At Peters Mound place they divided into squads of fifteen or twenty, the squads being commanded by J. H. Hackney, of Council Bend, and James E. Wood and Lon Slaughter, of Marianna. Mr. Mills was detailed to go into the squad commanded by Hackney. They searched the canebrakes between there and Bledsoe, where the posse met.
It was reported that about fifteen negroes had been seen going on foot toward Horseshoe Bend, on the Mississippi river. Citizens there had captured one of them who was turned over to the sheriff. That evening the prisoners who were landed in the jail yesterday were caught. Next day Hackney’s squad struck their trail, and toward evening, when riding down a road between impenetrable cane thickets, they saw where some of them had crossed the road. The posse dismounted and crawled on hands and knees about two hundred yards, where they came upon Patterson, the leader, Ed. Priton and two who are unknown.
BATTLE IN THE CANEBRAKE
Patterson and Priton were together and when within about twenty yards Patterson shouted “hold on, boys, I will stop them;” and fired two shots into the posse. The fire was returned and Patterson was seen to fall forward on his face. Priton then received the bulk of their attention and received about forty shots, the fingers of one hand being shot off. Patterson had been shot three times. Mr. Cobb, one of the posse, went to him and rolled him over to see if he was dead and he opened one eye. Patterson said: “I’m not dead.” The crowd started to kill him, but Captain Hackney interfered and saved his life. They left Priton where he fell and took Patterson to the Dr. Peters place to guard him until he could be sent to jail next day.
Two more were caught who were put under guard at the same place. Mills accidently shot the mule he was riding and was detailed by the sheriff to bring Patterson, who was so badly wounded, to jail by river via Helena. Mills went to Cat Island with his prisoner to take a boat, and when he started to get on board a man came to him and asked if he had Patterson. His reply being affirmative, he was informed that he would not be troubled with the scoundrel long, as he would be relieved of him before he got far. No sign of trouble appeared until the boat was passing Hackler’s landing, where it was hailed.
As soon as it landed fifteen men wearing white masks came on board, and at the point of Winchesters and pistols took Patterson away from him. A part of the Whitecaps stayed on the bank where they had two of the negroes whom Mills did not know. Patterson was clear grit and never uttered a word as four men took hold of the quilt which he was laying and carried him off the boat. At the end of the stage plank the hold of the men who were carying Patterson’s head slipped and he fell. Then they caught him by the heels and dragged him up the bank. When he fell Patterson said: “For God’s sake be easy, gentlemen.” to which one replied, “You will be easy directly.” The Whitecaps told Mr. Mills: “We not only want to take this — —, but we are going to have everyone of them”. As the boat bounded out ten or fifteen shots were heard from the bank and it is supposed that Patterson and his two partners were killed.
Two or three landings below there a white man came on board the boat and told the captain and Mr. Mills that this crowd had overpowered the sheriff’s posse and taken every man he had, except one, and killed them. Still later below Peter’s landing another man came on board and said they had also captured Mit and Early Jones, the men whom Howe in his confession yesterday said had shot Miller and killed him. These, according to Mills’ account, were Patterson, Priton, Early Jones, Mit Johnson, whom the Whitecaps had captured at Hackler’s Landing, and four which it was reported had been taken from Sheriff Derrick.
FIFTEEN NEGROES KILLED
NEW ORLEANS, La., October 2.—The Picayune’s Helena, Ar., special says: It now appears that no less than fifteen negroes were killed of the gang of nineteen who commenced the trouble. Of the remaining four, three are in jail at Marianna and one in jail at Forest City. To the millionnaire merchant, J. F. Frank, of Memphis, is laid the charge of having incited trouble by saying in the presence of a hundred negroes at his store that he would not have his cotton picked if he had to pay a dollar per hundred for the work.
Mobile Daily Register, October 3, 1891.
The negro rioting in Lee and Crittenden counties, Ark., has undoubtedly been effectually squelched.
Two of the negroes were shot and killed, three are now in the Lee County jail, and five more who were captured have not been heard from in a couple of days, and it is presumed that their corpses are now dangling from limbs somewhere between Peters’ Island and Marianna.
The uprising was one of the most serious that has occurred in these parts in several years, and the story of how it was subdued by the white people bristles with incidents of an interesting character. Yesterday morning the steamer James Lee brought to Memphis a half dozen of the deputy sheriffs who were sent out by Sheriff Werner to protect the marches of Crittenden County. They left for Marion, Ark., later in the day. They were headed by Deputy Sheriff N. M. Gibson, a nephew of Sheriff Werner, who commanded the Crittenden County contingent. He told all he knew about the affair thus:
“Last Sunday Sheriff Werner got information that the Lee County negro rioters were heading toward the line of Crittenden County, and he at once organized a posse of 40 of us, who left Marion that evening, going toward Horseshoe lake, to which point we understood the negroes were flying. When we reached that vicinity we learned that we were in the neighborhood of the rioters, and a message was sent to Sheriff Derrick, of Lee County, to close in on their rear with his posse of 60 men. We had the country covered with scouts for miles around, and though we did not close in upon the fugitives we kept them guessing where to go. They had had a long run, were short of food and what with hunger, weariness and natural cussedness they were a dangerous party to encounter. We had no definite idea how many was in their party, but we aimed to find out. Monday morning our party, after riding all night, arrived at the Peters’ place, between Horseshoe Lake and the river. We were informed that a squad of some 15 negroes had rode by the house of a farmer named Bogan, near there, and at the muzzle of their guns forced Mrs. Bogan to prepare breakfast for them all. They ate ravenously and struck off toward the lake. They were all armed and mounted, some on horses and others on mules. Our party spread out for scouting, and followed after the negroes. We came upon their trail at different places, but it was not until we reached the Holloway place, that one of our men came upon 13 of the bucks. They order him to halt, but instead of that he put spurs to his horse and flew to notify the rest of the posse. We were then only half a mile behind the fugitives and might have corralled the whole gang in the open, only the course was so short, for the swamp was near at hand, and into it the negroes disappeared. It was toward night when we reached the Kittrell place, where we had just arrived when we heard heavy firing not far off. Hastening to the spot I found that a portion of my posse had surrounded the negroes in an old disused ginhouse and had captured two of them and three guns, while the remainder were in flight, running and sneaking toward the canebrake, which was only a few hundred yards distant. The Lee County posse was close upon our heels at this time, and at nightfall some of that party ventured into the brake and then the shooting of Peyton and Ben Patterson occurred. Next day six live negroes, including Patterson, who was wounded, and the dead negro Peyton were given into the hands of Sheriff Derrick. A coroner who was with Sheriff Derrick’s party held an inquest on Peyton, and a verdict of justifiable homicide was returned. There were half a dozen negroes still in the canebrake when I came away, but the Lee County posse was around them and they cannot escape, but must come out and surrender soon or die of hunger. All the prisoners turned over to the Lee County officers were taken across the country to Marianna except Patterson, who was too badly wounded to be moved in that way. He pretended to be much worse wounded than he really was. He was put on board the James Lee to be brought up this way, but I understand that when the steamer pulled into Hackley’s landing in obedience to a signal a party of masked men went aboard and took Patterson from his bunk in the barber shop, carried him on the boat, and—. That’s all I know. They say that shots were heard as the party went up the bank of the river, and it is supposed that the leader of the mob met his death there, but I know nothing of that. I don’t know anything about the lynching reported in this morning’s papers. Such a thing may have occurred, in fact, it is very probable that it did.
The party with Mr. Gibson had evidently seen some hard service. They had been sleeping out since Sunday and their rations were irregular and scant very often.
ALL LYNCHED, SAYS HELENA
But Marianna Sticks to it That only Two Were Lynched.
Special Dispatch to the Appeal-Avalanche.
HELENA, ARK., Oct. 2.—There seems to be considerable excitement yet in Lee County growing out of the assassination of Miller and the burning of ginhouses by negro rioters, and the lynching of the negro rioters by mobs composed of white and negro citizens of the county. The following additional facts are learned from a gentleman who came from Lee County this evening:
There are now in jail at Marianna three negroes named Ed Howe, Bob White and Jim Sims, who were part of the mob that assassinated the overseer named Miller. Howe, who was put in jail yesterday, fearing that he would be lynched, confessed that there were
TWENTY-THREE NEGROES
in the crowd that burned the gins and killed Miller, and that they intended to fall upon the sheriff’s posse as it passed and kill them, but they lost courage, as the posse was too strong Of the 23, 15 of them are in jail at Marianna, two of them fatally wounded. One of them is in jail at Forrest City, and the others are missing. The missing ones are supposed to have been wounded and died in the canebrakes. Howe declares that he, with several others, were forced into the demonstrations by the leaders of the riotous strikers. It is not probable that those who are in jail will escape the vengeance of the mob. It seems that as the rioters were arrested by the posse they were locked up in places under guard of the mob, and as the posse left the mob took charge of the prisoners and made short work of them.
MARIANNA DENIES IT ALL
Special Dispatch to the Appeal.
MARIANNA, Ark., Oct. 2.—Sheriff Derrick reached town this noon with three prisoners, Charles Harris, Sam Murphy and Eli Patterson, who were placed in jail, charged with complicity in the murder of Tom Miller last Saturday. In an interview Harris said: “There is no truth in the report that the Jones brothers, who were most active in murdering Miller, have been captured.” He was with them just before his capture, and they told him they were going across the river and stay there. Members of the posse who returned today say the whereabouts of the Jones boys was known yesterday, but when Messrs. Slaughter, Blount and Dupuy, of the Marianna crowd, tried to find three more men to go with them and capture the fugitives they were unsuccessful. The men were completely worn out by their long journey. Will Murphy and Charlie Lloyd, the latter of whom is said by the prisoner Harris to be the man with a red hat who was active with the Jones boys in killing Miller, were captured yesterday and placed in charge of Deputies Duncan Brown and Andrew Bickerstaff, of Marianna. It is thought by those who returned today that Murphy and Lloyd were killed last night, as there was a very bitter feeling against them and threats were made. As was thought here yesterday, the reports sent out from Helena that nine were taken from Sheriff Derrick and lynched were absolutely false. There was no foundation for them whatever. So far as known Peyton, who was shot by officers while in the canebrake, and Patterson, who was taken from Deputy Mills and lynched, are the only ones killed. Ten men have been captured so far. Of these six, Ed Howe, Bob White, Jim Sims, Charles Harris, Sam Murphy and Eli Patterson, are in jail here; two, Ed Peyton and Ben Patterson, were killed, and the remaining two, Will Murphy and Charles Lloyd, are in charge of officers on their way to Marianna, that is, provided they have not been lynched.
Deputy Frank Mills, who was interviewed at Helena, and whose name was used yesterday in connection with the very sensational statement sent out from there, called on the APPEAL-AVALANCHE correspondent today and declared that most of the statements were never uttered by him. He is very indignant, and says the reports sent out from here are incorrect in every particular. Every report sent from here was a correct repetition of the substance of his words.
Memphis Appeal-Avalanche, October 3, 1891.
The deplorable events in Lee County which culminated in the lynching of several negroes by a masked mob, while under arrest, grew out of an attempt to solve a labor problem by brute force. The cotton planters deemed 50 cents a hundred pounds as much as they were able to pay for picking cotton. Many negroes went to the fields, and were quietly laboring under contracts made on that basis.
This action was resented by the more turbulent negro element, whose leaders in their brutish ignorance resolved to use force, if necessary, to compel the peaceful laborers to quit the fields.
Force was necessary, and force was used. Those ruffians drove the cotton pickers into idleness. They would neither work themselves nor permit others to work. The fields, white with cotton, were abandoned to ruin, if needs be; for the fiat went forth that no cotton should be picked below the rate these ignorant, though temporarily all-powerful, dictators had established.
The spark igniting the powder magazine had been thrown. The blood of the white planters, whom ruin stared in the face, whose homes and vital interest were at the mercy of the brutal mob, began running, hissing hot, through their veins. The inevitable followed. It was mob against mob; force against force. The vengeance was quick and terrible.
It is the old story told over and over again since time began. It is useless to moralize. Denunciation of the lawless mob will avail nothing unless human nature can be changed, and that meekness which commands turning the unsmitten cheek when its fellow has been scourged shall become the rule and guide of mankind.
Arkansas Gazette, October 3, 1891.
The Arkansas white toughs in taking nine colored men and lynching them, because said colored men desired higher wages; were as brave as the mob of cowards in Indiana who whipped severely a woman because her morals did not agree with their code. The ordinary fire and brimstone hell will not be hot enough for these white devils.
American Citizen, (Kansas City, Kansas), October 9, 1891.
Nine Negroes Reported to have been Hung in Arkansas
The Men were of the Party of Riotous Cotton Pickers that Killed Miller Last Friday, and Were Under Arrest When Seized by Their Slayers
HELENA, ARK., Oct. 1.—It is learned that Sheriff Derrick of Marianna, Ark., left Cat Island last night, having in custody nine of the thirteen colored cotton picker rioters who killed Inspector Miller in Arkansas, last Friday. The sheriff was on his way to Marianna, where he was going to put his prisoners in jail, but was overtaken late last night by an armed posse who took the prisoners after a sharp struggle, and hanged the entire party.
ANOTHER KILLING REPORTED
ST. LOUIS, Oct. 1.—A dispatch to the Republic from Helena, Ark., says:
“The labor troubles in Lee county are probably over for the present. A passenger on the James Lee this morning says that in that neighborhood most of the negroes have been either killed or captured. At Star Landing, a negro got on board the Lee who was probably wounded in the thigh. He acknowledged that he was with the crowd that shot Miller a few days ago. He also stated that a party of fifteen negroes who had been hiding in the swamps, surrounded by the sheriff’s posse, had made a break for liberty, and that five or six of them had been killed or wounded, had then captured a few miles below Star Landing. While at the landing, a crowd of masked men came on board, and took the wounded negro on shore with them. As the boat backed out a number of shots were heard, but it is not known whether the prisoner was shot. It is thought that the man was Ben Patterson, the leader of the rioters.
Richmond Planet, October 17, 1891.
A Dozen or More of Striking Cotton Pickers Lynched
HELENA, ARK., Oct. 2.—Riot and bloodshed have been the order in the neighborhood of Frank’s and Terrell & Boyd’s plantations for several days. Information received late last night and early this morning shows that the situation is indeed serious. Thus far a dozen of the rioting cotton pickers have been shot and lynched. Planter Miller has been assassinated and the guard houses on the Terrell-Boyd plantations have been destroyed. The trouble, it appears, was caused by the negro cotton-pickers from Memphis. They went on a strike for $1 a 100 and swore they would permit nobody else to pick cotton at a lesser rate. The strike was led by Ben Patterson, who led the mob to Miller’s house Tuesday night. A few days since Sheriff Derrick organized a posse and started out to quell the rioters. The strikers were driven into a swamp and shots were exchanged before the negroes surrendered. Two were killed and nine captured. The prisoners were put in charge of a couple of deputies, who undertook to take them to the County jail. On the way they were surrounded by about fifty masked men and compelled to give up the prisoners. The negroes were taken into the woods by the mounted men and lynched. One of the negroes who escaped from the swamp with a bullet in his leg sought refuge on the steamer James Lee, but at Hackley’s Landing the boat was boarded and the injured man taken off and killed. He was no other than Patterson, the leader of the strikers.
There is danger that more blood will flow before quiet is restored.
St. Louis Post Dispatch, October 2, 1891.
The striking and riotous cotton pickers of Arkansas have been far from successful. Last week a gang was surprised and routed by the sheriff, two of them were killed, two more escaped and nine of them were taken prisoners. These prisoners were sent to the nearest jail by the sheriff with a guard, and on the way were mete by a company of masked men and lynched.
These men had not been guilty of any offense that warranted capital punishment, and this crime but adds to the list of the horrible and frightful barbarities of the South. Another instance of Southern injustice and intolerance, and a crime of the Nation. The country at large is just as responsible for this outrage as they who committed it. The silence of the whole country when other barbarities just as frightful were committed but lends encouragement for the committal of others; just as the outrage has met with no general condemnation, as those who committed it will not suffer because of it, so will this example result in encouraging other and perhaps more frightful crimes.
How long are these crimes to continue? Have the people of the Republic no conscience, no compassion for the poor unfortunates of the South? Do not these almost daily crimes against humanity have any effect upon their christian training? The great moral leaders, where are they that their voices are not heard in loud protest, clamoring for justice? The great Republic is dotted with churches. Christian truths are dealt out weekly to listening millions. Does the seed fall on stony ground that such terrible things are permitted to go on unrebuked? To the Afro-American, christian civilization seems a most cruel farce; the church a Pharisaical hypocrite, that has departed from the teachings of the blessed Master. But the history of the world is a history of retributive justice. This has been strikingly exemplified in the history of the Republic. Slavery was a crime against humanity and Christianity. At its altar thousands were offered up to insatiate greed. Retributive justice came upon both in the shape of the civil war, and thousands upon thousands of the North and South lost their lives before it was extinguished, and this question for a time settled. So these outrages, this denial of justice and prostitution of the courts, this silent acquiescence in crime, will meet a retributive justice, and the punishment will be in kind and the North as well as the South suffer because of them.
Detroit Plaindealer, October 9, 1891.
The wholesale lynching in Arkansas, an account of which we published in our last issue tells with striking force the relentless barbarity resorted to in that benighted section of this country.
Simply because the cotton pickers of Mississippi and the adjoining states saw fit to strike, they had to be butchered.
No talk is indulged in relative to bringing their murderers to justice.
The announcement is made that nearly all of the Negroes have been either killed or captured.
When we read these terrible accounts we are led to wonder how long God will tolerate such crimes. How long will these murderers be allowed to go “unwhips of justice?” What would we do under the circumstances? Why, we would take the white man’s plan—sell our lives as dearly as possible, and tread the chilly waters of death with our assailants for company.
It is the only way out. We do not advocate retaliation. That would be the killing of a white man for the murder of a colored one. We advocate self-defense. We mean the killing of the responsible party—our would-be murderers. We believe this is the proper course. This belief is intensified by the fact that it has been the white man’s policy and under it he enjoys immunity from outlaws and has none to molest him or make him afraid.
We want more stalwart, brave hearted men, who have the vital interests of the race at stake. When we get them—lynch-law will go! and the lynchers with it.
Richmond Planet, October 24, 1891.
An attempt may be made to lynch the three Negroes therein confined. Fifteen out of the Nineteen Leading Strikers Killed—J. F. Frank, of Memphis, said to be Indirectly the Cause of the Strike.
Special to The Arkansas Gazette
HELENA, ARK., October 2.—The Lee County troubles are probably at an end, unless the mob hangs the three negroes in the Marianna jail. Some fears are entertained that such an attempt will be made tonight. It now appears that no less than fifteen negroes were killed out of the gang of nineteen who commenced the trouble. Of the remaining four, three are in jail at Marianna and one in jail at Forrest City. Sheriff Derrick, of Lee County, had a well organized squad of about fifty deputies. It is to his credit that only one or two negroes were killed in the attempt to capture them, and after the negroes had fired upon his men. He had a list of the names of the nineteen offenders and as fast as they were captured he left them in charge of guards, with instructions to land them in jail at Marianna. Special Deputy Sheriff J. E. Woods, who is the editor of the Lee County Courier, was the only man who succeeded in getting his prisoners to jail. The mob which took the negroes from the different squads of guards, numbered nearly 800, and were from the town and from Crittenden, St. Francis and Lee Counties. At the door of the millionaire merchant J. F. Frank, of Memphis, it is laid the charge of inciting the trouble. Two weeks ago Mr. Frank visited his plantation, known as the Hope Place.
He was dissatisfied because his cotton was not being picked out fast enough. His manager, Mr. J. F. Miller, explained to him that he was getting along as fast as possible with the number of hands he had, and that he had agreed not to pay over 50 cents per hundred. Mr. Frank, in the presence of nearly a hundred negroes who were congregated at his store, remarked in a loud tone that was an old man and had been in business many years, and that the only way to get a thing was to pay for it. He said he wanted his cotton picked out, and proposed to have it done even if it cost $1 per hundred. The next day his manager offered 60 cents, but the negroes did not go to work. Then it was that Ben Patterson, Joe Peyton, Met and Early Jones started out to the adjoining plantations to notify the negroes that they could get $1 per hundred, and that they were fools to work for less. The majority of them quit work, and finding themselves successful, they began to forcibly prevent others from working. Plantation owners expostulated with the ringleaders, but to no effect. A day or two afterward Miller was killed by a crowd of nineteen negroes, headed by the four named above. Then followed the burning of the fine gin houses of Frank and Terrell and Bond. The balance of the story has been told in these dispatches.
An angry mob killed fifteen of the ringleaders and are muttering threats against Mr. J. F. Frank.
They say he had a right to say what he pleased, but that he went too far when he said he knew only his own interest, and did not care for the interests of his neighbors. The seed sowed by his remarks has yielded bloody fruit and all good people hope the end has been reached.
The Marianna jail will be doubly guarded tonight, for Sheriff Derrick has determined that no more lives shall be sacrificed.
Arkansas Gazette, October 3, 1891.
The Cotton-Pickers’ Trouble in Lee County, Ark., Ended
CONFLICTING REPORTS REGARDING THE LYNCHING OF RIOTERS
The Number Variously Estimated at From Two to Twelve—What the Officers Say—Ringleaders Killed—Eight of the Rioters Now in the Jail at Marianna—Cause of the Outbreak
HELENA, ARK., Oct. 3.—The latest reports from the scene of the cotton pickers’ riot, in Lee County, state that the trouble is ended, and that all is calm and serene. There are different accounts of the outcome of the affair, and it cannot yet be definitely stated how many men were lynched, if any. There were undoubtedly a number of the rioters, probably ten or twelve, killed, but it is alleged that they were killed while resisting arrest and were not lynched by a mob as first reported. While the excitement has fully died away, the exact facts with reference to this matter cannot be ascertained. Nothing is known definitely regarding the lynching. Your correspondent had an interview yesterday with Deputy Sheriff Frank Mills, who was with the officers during the entire time they were in pursuit of the rioters. This is the officer who was carrying the negro leader, Patterson, to Helena on the steamer James Lee. An armed crowd took the man from him at Hackley Landing, and it is presumed he was shot to death. Mr. Mills stated that the previous evening Sheriff Derrick had started to Marianna with nine prisoners, whose arrest had been effected, and that the crowd who took the man from him at Hackley told him that Derrick’s prisoners had been taken from him and shot or hung. This report is contradicted at Marianna.
Sheriff Derrick reached that place yesterday afternoon with three prisoners, Sam Murphy, Charles Harris and Eli Patterson, who were placed in jail. These men are charged with the killing of Mr. Miller, the manager of J. F. Frank’s plantation, where the trouble originated. It is claimed by the Marianna people, that, as far as is now known, only two men have been killed. Peyton, who was killed in the canebrakes and Patterson, who was taken from Officer Mills. Ten men have been arrested so far, six of whom, Ed. Howe, Bob White, Jim Siles, Chas. Hains, Sam Murphy and Ben Patterson, are reported as in jail at Marianna. Peyton and Patterson have been killed, and Murphy and Lloyd werw started to Marianna in charge of officers and may probably reach there, though they had not shown up at last accounts from that place.
In some of the dispatches sent out from here it is made to appear that Officer Mills stated that nine of the men had been lynched. This is not the case, as the gentleman only gave it as the report that had reached him. The trouble was a very serious one, more so, in fact, than any that had occurred in this section in many years. The negroes determined that they would not pick cotton for the price offered them by the planters. Not content with this they also resolved that no one else should do any picking and and they said they would have $1 per 100 pounds or they would devastate the Arkansas side river front from Raggio City to Memphis. Their first act of violence was the killing of Miller. The burning of several valuable houses followed. Realizing what they had done, and knowing the whites would soon be after them to call them to account, they took to the swamps and canebrake. Parties of men were soon in pursuit of them with the result above given. It is a fact worthy of mention that when the officers reached Raggio City, in pursuit of the murderous black demons, a large number of the better element of the negro farmers of that section armed themselves and volunteered their services in helping to run down the rioters. The trouble may be regarded as settled.
TWO MORE BROUGHT IN
Six Rioters Now Incarcerated in the Jail at Marianna
MARIANNA, ARK., Oct. 3.—Deputy Sheriff Duncan Brown, the last of the squad, came in this evening, bringing two more of the prisoners, making six guilty of murder and two accessories after the fact, now in jail. One of the six is the man that fired first upon Miller, shooting him in the face with small shot. The Sheriff informs your correspondent that only two men were killed and ten escaped among them the Jones brothers, who first started the trouble. The whole riot may be directly traced to the curse of alien ownership of lands, especially to the selfishness of one J. F. Frank of Memphis, Tenn. Tuesday has been set for the preliminary examination, after which particulars will be given.
St. Louis Post Dispatch, October 4, 1891.
The Arkansas People React With Moderation Toward Rioters
The History of the Affair Brought in by People From the Neighborhood in Which It Occurred—The Last Seen of Capt. Ben Patterson
The sensational reports of lynching of negro rioters in Lee and Crittenden Counties, Ark., have been without foundation.
The true history of the episode known as the cotton pickers’ riots was brought in yesterday evening by parties direct from the scene, and it appears that the white people acted with extreme moderation toward the black desperadoes. The party comprised Messrs. Monroe D. Cartwright, Tom O’Connor, J. P. Hackler, Press Walker and Dick Morgan, Squire S. P. Williford, Attorney General Peters, of Memphis, and several others.
The troubles have all been settled now. Cotton picking has been resumed, the whites and blacks are living in peace again, and all things are moving along as though no such difficulties had arisen. Only two negroes were killed. Peyton was shot while firing at close quarters upon the deputy sheriffs in the discharge of their duty, and Ben Patterson, the leader of the rioters, was taken from the James Lee and has not since been heard from. Three others, the two Jones boys and their father, escaped, and the other eight negroes are now in jail. Thus are all the negroes that laid in the canebrake at Cat Island accounted for, and it is apparent that the reported wholesale lynchings had no other foundation than a vivid imagination.
The gentlemen who reached Memphis yesterday say that the riot was discussed and planned for three or four weeks before it broke out. The ringleaders were the Jones boys and Ben Patterson. Patterson commanded the gang and was called captain. He was 30 years old and a native of Georgia and was brought to this section by the late Dr. Peters. He was working on the Mound place. The rioters calculated that the rising would be general and that some 50 negroes would join the forces, and such might have been the case, but that the killing of Tom Miller showed the seriousness of the undertaking and dampened the insurrectionary ardour of the better disposed negroes. The details of that killing have been divulged by the captured negroes. Miller became separated from the squad of white men with whom he was associated in the pursuit of the rioters and while riding along, found himself covered by the guns of the negroes who had been concealed in the brush, and called him to halt.
He would not do it, and several surrounded his horse, whereupon he spurred up and attempted to ride away from them. But the two Jones boys had a grudge against him, though the other negroes were not disposed to harm him.
“You drove my father off your plantation,” said one of the Jones and they both fired. It is not known how many times Miller was shot, but one load of buckshot went through his back, another scattered all over his face and another lodged in his shoulder. There was a big dent in the back of his head, as though he had been struck with the butt of a gun. His watch and pistol were taken, and probably thrown into a bayou hard by. The negroes pushed on toward the canebrakes at Horseshoe lake by a course that showed they had studied the route long beforehand. A little negro boy, under compulsion, pointed out their hiding place to the officers. Two deputy sheriffs crawled in under the brush while the remainder of the squad surrounded the place. Presently those who were crawling in heard a rough voice within eight feet of them say:
“I’ll just kill them right now!”
And bang! the revolvers cracked. The officers on every side fired. Then the brake was searched. Peyton was found riddled with bullets and already dead. Ben Patterson was also apparently dead, but when one of the officers threatened to fire another shot into him to make sure of him he jumped up and was very much alive. There were 13 negroes in that brake. The three Joneses, father and two sons, escaped, and the remaining eight were captured and are now in jail at Marianna. Deputy Sheriff Mills placed Ben Patterson on the James Lee to carry him down the river. It was about 1 o’clock in the morning when the boat reached Hackler’s a regular mail landing. As soon as the gang plank was down some 15 masked men ran aboard and demanded Ben Patterson. Deputy Sheriff Mills acted to protect him but he was soon surrounded and rendered helpless. Patterson was not suffering then. He had only received a flesh wound, and was staying up so that he had to be tied up to prevent him from jumping overboard to escape. The masked men soon seized him and [hustled him up]. He did not flinch, but was heard to say:
“I suppose you are going to kill me, but I don’t care if you do.”
He has never been heard from since.
Steamboats arriving at the Memphis levee from down river points are bringing hundreds of bales of cotton per day from the neighborhood in which the riot occurred, and everybody in the community is busy gathering crops.
The whites and blacks are on good terms, nor has any spirit of race intolerance displayed in the treatment of the benighted creatures who took part in the strife. The people have behaved with rare good judgment.
Memphis Appeal-Avalanche, October 5, 1891.