THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR AND THE BLACK WORKER, 1881–1903
Even as the Knights of Labor reached the height of its success, the organization destined to supplant it had come into existence. During its early years, the American Federation of Labor pursued a policy toward black workers which contained many features in common with the K. of L. At the first convention in 1881, Samuel Gompers announced the AFL’s intention to organize all workingmen who believed in the cause. Moral reasons aside, a fairly clear understanding prevailed that the exclusion of blacks was inimical to the interests of white workers themselves, since Negroes could break, strikes (Doc. 1–4).
Throughout the late 1880s and early 1890s, Gompers frequently urged AFL representatives and local AFL bodies to make special efforts to organize black workers. Meanwhile, separate locals were to be organized when there was no other way to bring them into the Federation. Although his southern representatives informed Gompers that to organize blacks would be fatal to the AFL because of racial practices in the region, the New Orleans General Strike of 1892 proved that labor solidarity was indeed possible. The unions had been united in the Workingmen’s Amalgamated Council, and at its call forty-nine AFL affiliated unions, about 25,000 workers in the city, ceased their labors for four days. Negroes were numerous in several of the unions, especially in the so-called Triple Alliance, composed of Teamsters, Scalesmen, and Packers. Members of the Triple Alliance left their jobs on October 24, 1892, when employers refused to grant the workers a ten-hour day, extra pay for overtime, and a union shop. The other AFL unions of New Orleans walked out in sympathy. Even though the employers attempted to use racist appeals to divide them, the strikers refused the bait and compelled their employers to arbitrate the issues. As a demonstration of interracial solidarity the strike was one of the most important in AFL history. Gompers saw it as a “ray of hope for the future of organized labor,” and stated this conviction both publically and privately (Doc. 16–30). This position stimulated many local black unionists to seek help from the AFL. Gomper’s early attitude toward organizing blacks is clearly revealed in his support of George L. Norton, the first black organizer for the AFL, who was hired by Gompers himself (Doc. 52–83).
Many white unionists objected to organizing blacks, and to the AFL’s regulation which prohibited affiliated unions from excluding Negroes by constitutional restriction. The first significant challenge to this policy came in 1890 at the tenth annual convention, when a resolution requesting an organizer for the National Association of Machinists was rejected by a vote of 51 to 5 because the union’s constitution barred blacks. Gompers himself formally requested that the NAM lift the color restriction. When they refused, he organized a rival organization, the International Machinists’ Union of America, which was open to blacks, and then legitimized it with AFL affiliation (Doc. 84–98).
While this stand was commendable, it did not eliminate racial exclusion where unions remained adamant. The case of Robert Rhodes, a black bricklayer of Indianapolis, is illustrative. The constitution of the Bricklayers’ and Masons’ International Union set a fine of $100 for racial discrimination. Nevertheless, when Rhodes tried to obtain work on a union job, his white brothers refused to work with him. Desperation finally forced him to take a non-union job, whereupon the local union filed charges against him for “scabbing.” By the time the national office settled Rhode’s grievance, he was no longer a union member or a bricklayer (Doc. 99–108).
Even though white unions often regarded blacks as anti-union, many black workers demonstrated a militant adherence to labor organizations and their ideological underpinnings. The Galveston longshoremen’s strike of 1898 is a case in point. When the Mallory Shipping Company cut wages in August 1898, the Colored Labor Protective Union, an AFL affiliate, established picket lines, and called for the cooperation of white workers. When the company imported black strikebreakers from Houston, fighting broke out between the two groups of Negro workers, and during the melee which followed, one man was shot. It was a clear case in which black workers placed union loyalty above racial identity (Doc. 109–114).
THE A. F. OF L. AND THE RACIAL ISSUE
1. FIRST ANNUAL MEETING OF THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR IN PITTSBURGH, 1881
Mr. Gompers, Chairman of the Committee on Plan of Organization, announced that the Committee was ready to report, and submitted the 1st article, as follows:
ARTICLE 1. This association shall be known as “The Federation of Organized Trades Unions of the United States of America and Canada,” and shall consist of such Trades Unions as shall, after being duly admitted, conform to its rules and regulations, and pay all contributions required to carry out the objects of this Federation.
A motion was made to adopt the article as read, and discussion ensued.
Mr. WEBER hoped that the name of the Federation would read so as to include all laboring people.
Mr. KINNEAR—I want this organization to reach all men who labor, such as the ‘longshoremen’ in our seaport towns. For that reason I desire the article so amended so as to read “Trades and Labor Unions.”
Mr. GRANDISON (the colored delegate), of Pittsburgh—We have in the city of Pittsburgh many men in our organization who have no particular trade, but should not be excluded from the Federation. Our object is, as I understand it, to federate the whole laboring element of America. I speak more particularly with a knowledge of my own people, and declare to you that it would be dangerous to skilled mechanics to exclude from this organization the common laborers, who might, in an emergency, be employed in positions they could readily qualify themselves to fill.
Mr. POLLNER—We recognize neither creed, color, nor nationality, but want to take into the folds of this Federation the whole labor element of the country, no matter of what calling; for that reason, the name should read, “Trades and Labor Unions.”
Mr. GOMPERS—The expression of the section, seems to me to be not thoroughly understood. We do not want to exclude any working man who believes in and belongs to organized labor.
Mr. JARRETT said he was in favor of accepting all men who worked for a living and belonged to an organized body of workers, but did not want to include those who would not work and maintain themselves.
Mr. COWAN—Do you want to exclude miners? We have many thousands of them, and we want them in this Federation. You will find them to be worthy of your attention.
A VOICE—That is a trade.
Messrs. Byrne, Towelson, McKean, and Conway gave expression in favor of amending the same to include Labor Unions.
Mr. JAS. LYNCH—I think trade organizations covers the whole matter, and will reach the objects of the Congress.
Mr. POWERS—I am in favor of the report as read, as I believe it will keep out of the Federation political labor bodies which might try to force themselves into our future deliberations.
Mr. DWYER—Am I to understand that local Unions, not attached to national or international organizations, are debarred from representation by the section reported?
A VOICE—No, we want you, also.
Mr. DWYER—I represent a local organization, the Painters’ Union of Chicago. Are they to be excluded because they do not belong to a national or international organization?
Mr. HENNEBERRY—I am in favor of helping anybody and every body, but let all trades join their respective national organizations.
Mr. LAYTON—I am opposed to excluding from the Federation all organizations except those of skilled mechanics. The Knights of Labor wish to be with you, and they embrace all laborers.
Mr. DOVEY—I would like the name of the Federation to read “Trades and Labor Unions.”
Mr. POLLNER to Mr. DOVEY—Amend so that it be “Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions,” and I will second it.
Mr. DOVEY—I do make the amendment as suggested.
Mr. BRANT—That suits me exactly. I wish this Federation broad enough to encompass all working people in its folds.
The previous question being called for by a sufficient number, the President (Vice-President Gompers in the chair) cautioned the delegates that, when the previous question was called for, the vote would be on the article as reported, and the amendment would be cut off.
Mr. LEFFINGWELL—Do I understand that to be the decision of the Chair?
THE CHAIR—I so decide in accordance with Cashing’s Manual.
Mr. LEFFINGWELL—I appeal from the decision. Vice-President Powers assuming the chair, the question on the appeal was put, and the President’s decision sustained by a vote of 34 yeas to 27 nays.
The call for the previous question being withdrawn, by unanimous consent, a motion to close debate was carried, the amendment agreed to, and the article, as amended, adopted.
Report of the First Annual Session of the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions of the United States and Canada. Held in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, on September 15, 16, 17, 18, 1881 (Cincinnati, 1882), pp. 16–17.
2. REPORT OF PRESIDENT SAMUEL GOMPERS TO1 THE A. F. OF L. CONVENTION OF 1900
Organization of Negro Labor
During the past year the question of organization among the colored workers of the South has been brought forward in several instances. Here and there a local has refused to accept members, simply upon the ground of the color of the applicant. In such cases, where there was a sufficient number of colored workers of one trade or calling, the suggestion was made that they be organized in separate unions, and a council composed of representatives of both organizations be formed to determine upon trade questions. This has generally been acquiesced in; and where similar circumstances obtain, its adoption has been recommended.
Another matter on the same line requires the consideration and action of this Convention. In some parts of the South, central bodies chartered by the American Federation of Labor have refused to receive and accord seats to delegates from local unions composed of negro workers. To insist upon a delegation from unions of colored workers being accorded representation in a central body would have meant the dissolution of that organization; and thus neither the desired purpose nor any good end would have been accomplished. This matter has been one of considerable correspondence, with the result, that the thought has been developed for the formation of central bodies composed of representatives of negro workers’ unions exclusively; that they be permitted to work under a certificate of affiliation from the American Federation of Labor; that there should be a general council representing both central bodies upon any matter of importance to labor, locally or generally. Application has been received for charter from such a central body in the city of New Orleans, but the Constitution of the American Federation of Labor provides against the issuance of more than one charter in any one city; hence the matter is referred to you for such action as you may deem necessary.
Realizing the necessity for the unity of the wage-earners of our country, the American Federation of Labor has upon all occasions declared that trade unions should open their portals to all wage workers, irrespective of creed, color, nationality, sex, or politics. Nothing has transpired in recent years which has called for a change of our declared policy upon this question; on the contrary, every evidence tends to confirm us in this conviction; for, even if it were not a matter of principle, self-preservation would prompt the workers to organize intelligently, and to make common cause. In making the declaration we have, we do not necessarily proclaim that the social barriers existing between the whites and blacks could or should be felled with one stroke of the pen; but when white and black workers are compelled to work side by side under the same adverse circumstances and under equally unfair conditions, it seems an anomaly that we should refuse to accord the right of organization to workers because of a difference in their color. Unless we shall give the negro workers the opportunity to organize, and thus place them where they can protect and defend themselves against the rapacity and cupidity of their employers; unless we continue the policy of endeavoring to make friends of them, there can be no question but that they will not only be forced in the economic scale and be used against any effort made by us for our economic and social advancement, but race prejudice will be made more bitter and to the injury of all.
Proceedings, A. F. of L. Convention, 1900, pp. 22–23.
3. COMMITTEE ON THE PRESIDENT’S REPORT, A. F. OF L. CONVENTION OF 1900
The convention, at 4 p.m., was called to order by President Gompers.
On motion the roll call was dispensed with.
The minutes of the morning session were dispensed with.
President Gompers introduced a young union bootblack, who addressed the convention, stating that he wanted scab bootblacks kept out of the hall. So ordered.
Delegate O’Rourke called to the chair.
Delegate Tobin, for the Committee on President’s Report, presented the following:
Louisville, Ky., December 10, 1900
To the Officers and Members of the Twentieth Annual Convention of the American Federation of Labor:
Gentlemen: Your Committee on President’s Report respectfully presents the following:
In the opening lines of the President’s report attention is called to the progress in freedom and organization on the part of the working class.
At the close of the last century, the working people were either chattel slaves or serfs, tied to the soil, or members of craft guilds, the government of which was in the hands of the masters, and, in any case, deprived of the right of combination, mobility and migration.
By reason of the desire of the then middle class to share in the power and privileges of the upper class, it became necessary for them to insist upon equal freedom for all.
By and through this they were able to take the function of government from the then rulers and to break into their circle, but they were compelled to give to the working people—in theory, at least—equal rights with themselves, under the law.
Through these influences, chattel slavery and serfdom were abolished, mobility and the right of migration conceded; and, the working class, feeling its fetters dropping, insisted upon, and re-acquired, the right of combination, through which we enjoy that measure of freedom that we now have, and which makes this international gathering possible.
We desire to remind the working people that the progress made, even though assisted by the antagonisms above referred to, was only possible through the unceasing struggle and the willingness to stand for human freedom, regardless of what the consequences were.
It is our purpose to warn the workers that the antagonisms and struggles for power, of the upper classes, are now practically at an end, and that the desire will, in the coming years, be to take from us the rights now acquired, or, at least, to stay the progress toward that condition in society in which no “classes” will exist. We realize that the contest will be bitter, relentless, and varied, and that its outcome may be disastrous, unless we shall prove capable of a greater solidarity, mutual forbearance, and readiness for sacrifice, than up to the present we have been able to show. . . .
In extending the organization throughout the South, the difficulties increase by reason of the race struggle there existing, and, while we do not in any way abate the policy laid down, by the American Federation of Labor, namely, that the trade union is open to all regardless of race, sex, nationality, creed or color, we recommend that the laws be so amended as to permit of charters being granted to separate unions and central bodies composed of colored workers. . . .
Respectfully submitted,
ANDREW FURUSETH, Chairman,
JOHN C. DERNELL,
HENRY W. SZEGEDY,
JOHN M. HUNTER,
DENIS A. HAYES,
L. R. THOMAS,
JOHN F. TOBIN, Secretary.2
Proceedings, A. F. of L. Convention, 1900, p. 263.
4. AMENDMENT TO THE A. F. OF L. CONSTITUTION, ARTICLE 12, SECTION 6, ADOPTED IN 1900
Separate charters may be issued to central labor unions or federated labor unions, composed exclusively of colored workers where in the judgment of the Executive Council it appears advisable.
Proceedings, A. F. of L. Convention, 1900, p. 263.
5. BROKE UP THE UNION
The admission of colored men into the Federal Labor Union of Crawfordsville, Ind., has caused considerable trouble and threatens to disrupt the organization in that city. When the Federation was organized, several local politicians were enrolled. All Negro applicants had been systematically black balled until one evening, owing to a small attendance, seven Negroes were admitted for political effect. Since that time several more have been added. Most of the whites have withdrawn and started a new union, which announces that only whites can join.
The Recorder (Indianapolis), May 7, 1899.
6. THE INDUSTRIAL COLOR-LINE IN THE NORTH
Aside from barbers, hotel and domestic servants, and a few isolated branches of labor along these lines, colored people find it almost impossible to obtain employment in Northern States. Almost every branch of labor is dominated by labor unions. As a rule, all races are eligible to become members of these unions except the colored race. Consequently, when a colored man seeks employment he is refused, ostensibly because he is not a union man; if he applies to a union he is usually denied admission, either directly or indirectly, because he is a colored man. It is only fair to admit that it is not every labor union that makes such discriminations against colored men, but the majority of them certainly do. Union men, however, are naturally loath to admit that any discriminations are made by them.
Of the thousands of miles of railway in the North, with its tens of thousands of manipulators, the only work, as a rule, that is open to negroes is that of porters on trains—the most menial and ill-paid occupation within the gift of a railway corporation. Why? Because all railway unions have laws, either written or unwritten, prohibiting colored men from work. True, at the formation of the American Railway Union in Chicago, a hot debate ensued as to whether the constitution should contain the usual clause proscribing colored men. It was finally decided in the negative, because, as Mr. Debs argued, such an action against negroes would injure the union’s cause in the eyes of the public. A very humane and philanthropic conclusion! Of course the innocent and confiding public concludes that the doors of the A. R. U. are thrown wide open to colored men because it has no constitutional law to the contrary.3
Of all the cities north of Mason and Dixon’s Line there are only three—Cleveland, Detroit, and Indianapolis—where street-railway employees are generous enough to allow colored men to work with them, and in these cities it is on an extremely limited scale.
In March, 1896, Superintendent Worrell of the Philadelphia and West Chester trolley line employed two colored motor-men. The white employees entered a protest and finally quit work. The result was that President Shiner ordered the dismissal of the colored men. From that day to this the management of no other street-railway in the “City of Brotherly Love” has had the courage to employ colored men, despite the importunities of leading citizens, both colored and white. And so it is through the entire field of desirable labor in the North—there is no place for the colored man.
The American Federation of Labor, as is well known, is merely a union of unions. One of its fundamental laws is that no union shall be admitted into its domain that has written law discriminating against men because of color. This would seem to place almost the entire field of organized labor in the position of deprecating discriminations against color. Many, if not most, of the great labor organizations originally had written laws debarring colored men from membership. Now, when a labor union with such a law wishes to enter the American Federation of Labor, all it has to do is to eradicate that objectionable clause, and then continue to discriminate against colored men as before.
I believe that this discrimination is due more to apathy than to wilfulness on the part of the masses of the laboring element. The sentiment of most labor leaders seems to be in favor of recognizing the rights of colored men, but there is a narrow-minded element in labor circles that favors keeping colored men down, and right-minded men seem to lack either the courage or the manhood to oppose it. But whether a few men, or the entire force of labor, are responsible, the result is the same.
Many attempt to explain the absence of colored people from the industries of the North by saying that colored men like, and are capable of performing, nothing but menial work; that they are left out of labor unions because of inefficiency and not because of color. To refute such arguments look to the South, where colored men are to be found by the hundreds in nearly every walk of life working side by side with white men. In some of the mills and factories of the South it is difficult to tell whether white or colored are in the majority. It is an every-day occurrence in the South to see white locomotive engineers and colored firemen seated in the same cabs. Still the North feels called upon to denounce the South for injustice to negroes.
One argument offered by employers of the North, and accepted by many colored persons as conclusive, is that white men will not work by the side of colored men—a proposition as cowardly as it is absurd. I doubt if there is one white man in a hundred who is so prejudiced against colored men that he would absolutely refuse to work with them, if it came to a practical test.
Again, employers often say to colored people, “You have not enough skilled mechanics among you; you have not enough educated men to compete with white labor. Educate and train your men in the trades, and then come to us, and if our white employees refuse to work with you, we will discharge them and put on entire forces of colored men.” It is my candid opinion that such advice and promises are seldom given in good faith. And even if such employers would do all they promise, I believe the theory is wrong. The thought of a semi-warfare between colored and white working-men is extremely distasteful to me. What I should like to see is this: If two colored men are given employment in a large establishment, and twenty white men say, “If these negroes work here we will quit,” instead of raising the cry, “Where can we find twenty-colored men to take their places?” there should be such a spirit of justice and love of fair play fostered between the two races that it would be easy to find twenty more white men who would be willing to work with the two colored men, and thus prove to the world that it is the height of folly to have entire forces of colored men in one establishment, and entire forces of white men in another. The only way to create such a sentiment is through the Christian churches. It is the work of the church to unlock the doors of manual labor to the colored race in the North. The church is the one earthly tribunal before which oppressed humanity may plead for justice and sympathy.
James Samuel Stemons
The Century Magazine 60 (1900): 477–78.
7. H. W. SHERMAN TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, OCTOBER 6, 1900
Offices of the International
Brotherhood of Electrical Workers
Rochester, New York
Dear Sir & Brother:
Replying to yours of Oct. 4th in regards to revoking of a charter held by colored men in Jacksonville, Fla. will say, when the organizer sent in the application for this charter he failed to mention the men who wanted it were colored. Now, Bro. Gompers, here is the situation in a nut shell, if we allow the charter to remain active, we loose every local in the south. We have received protests from them all. Now, ask yourself in all candor do you think it advisable for us to loose 12 locals in order to keep one? Mr. Thos. Wheeler our Grand President made a personal investigation of this matter and afterwards gave orders to revoke it. I know the A. F. of L. will draw no color line. I therefore, suggest as a remedy that you grant a certificate of affiliation from your Body. We do not wish to antagonize any of your laws, but we do not wish to loose all of our southern locals, for it has cost us time and money to get them. The letter amuses me when it says the white men of Jacksonville were not competant and the negroes was called on to do the work. Bro. Gompers, that does not speak well for the intelligence of the white men of that section. We issued a charter to the white’s after revoking the other. Hoping this explanation is satisfactory and wishing you continued success, I am,
Fraternally,
H. W. Sherman,
Grand Secretary4
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
8. H. W. SHERMAN TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, OCTOBER 10, 1900
Offices of the International
Brotherhood of Electrical Workers
Rochester, New York
Dear Sir & Brother:
Yours of Oct. 9th, at hand and contents carefully noted. In reply will say your ruling regards to the colored Electrical Workers of Jacksonville is a just one and I would be pleased to know they are organized, but we have struggled to hard to organize the south to let a matter of this kind upset what we have accomplished. Accept my thanks. Will return the letter you ask for as soon as I receive it from the G. P. Bro. Gompers, from the present out look it will be my pleasure to attend the next convention of the A.F. of L. and I can assure you it will afford me pleasure to cast my vote for the Grand Old Man of the Labor movement Samuel Gompers. Wishing you success, I beg to remain,
Fraternally,
H. W. Sherman,
Grand Secretary
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
9. H. W. SHERMAN TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, NOVEMBER 7, 1900
Offices of the International
Brotherhood of Electrical Workers
Rochester, New York
Dear Sir & Brother:
I wrote you sometime ago that it had become absolutely necessary to revoke the charter granted to the Negroes of Jacksonville Fla. and was in hopes the matter had been amicably settled by you. I am in receipt of a letter to-day saying the Central Body of Jacksonville refuse to seat the delegates from our local. We are forced to draw the color line in the south or lose the ground we have so successfully covered, as all the locals below the Mason & Dixon Line threaten to withdraw. Kindly give this matter your attention and Oblige,
Fraternally,
H. W. Sherman,
Grand Secretary
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
10. TRADE UNION ATTITUDE TOWARD COLORED WORKERS
For sometime past we have received a large number of inquiries relative to the attitude of the American Federation of Labor toward the negro worker, and the subject has been widely discussed by philanthropists, some negro workers themselves, and particularly by some colored men who have advanced to position of prominence in the realm of thought. We have endeavored upon all occasions to give all possible information upon this as well as other matters of interest to the workers; and while we have no desire to impugn the motives of any one by a charge of suppression, yet for some reason or other, the information we have furnished on this topic has not been given that same wide publicity as have the charges of insincerity or antagonism. We believe, therefore, that a few plain statements of facts here will serve to correct erroneous impressions, and will receive wider and better attention.
For years the American Federation of Labor has declared in favor of, and the necessity for, the organization of all workers, without regard to creed, color, sex, nationality, or politics. In making the declaration for the complete organization of all workers, it does not necessarily proclaim that the social barriers which exist between the whites and blacks could or should be obliterated; but it realizes that when white and black workers are compelled to work side by side, under the same equally unfair and adverse conditions, it would be an anomaly to refuse to accord the right of organization to workers because of a difference in their color.
We have more than 700 volunteer organizers and a number of organizers under salary, among which are several who are devoting their time exclusively to the organization of the colored workers. This certainly should indicate not only our desire and interest, but also the work which is being accomplished.
It need not be imagined, however, that because we realize the necessity for the organization of the colored workers that for that reason we can grant to them privileges which are denied to white workers. We want them to organize in the unions of their trades and callings, and to take their equal chance with the white workmen—they are entitled to no less, they should ask no more. We say this because there are some colored men who imagine that the organization of the colored workers comes under their especial superior wing of protection; who manifest a suspicion that the colored workers when organized will require the solicitous and fostering care of these colored “superiors” from what they indirectly intimate to be the design of the unions of white workers. We are frequently in receipt of communications from these self-constituted “superiors,” who make inquiries as to “privileges” to which the colored workman would be entitled in the event of these “superiors” giving their consent or assistance in organizing the colored workmen.
The American Federation of Labor grants to national and international unions of a trade the right, autonomy and independence to make and enforce rules governing their trade, so long as they do not infringe upon the jurisdiction of other national or international unions and observe the laws, policy and principles of the American Federation of Labor.
The American Federation of Labor seeks to place the organizations of labor upon the highest possible plane of ethical, progressive, civilized and humane considerations, and among these recognizes potentially the identity of the interests of the workers irrespective of creed, sex, politics, color or nationality. Time and again have our organizations in conventions emphatically declared and insisted upon the practice of these principles; and often have white union men deprived themselves of opportunities and advantages in order to protect the rights of colored workmen. It may not be generally known that the great strike of the New Orleans white union workers some years ago was in defense and for the promotion of the interests of colored laborers.5
For their protection, as well as for the promotion of their interests, the colored workers should organize and in all cases become affiliated with the organizations of white wage earners or form colored workers’ unions in full sympathy and co-operation of the white workers’ unions.
At the Louisville Convention of the American Federation of Labor authority was granted to organize and grant charters to separate local and central bodies of colored workmen, wherever such two bodies would promote the interests of all the workers.6
The American Federation of Labor has a large number of unions affiliated, composed exclusively of colored workers, who feel that their interests are safeguarded by the officers of our movement as justly and wisely as the organizations of any other toilers.
Again, we have unions composed of whites and blacks, and generally these work together without any friction at all.
When a white man desires to become a member of an organization he is proposed for membership and is required to submit to rules which experience has demonstrated to be necessary. Certainly, no greater privilege can be conferred upon a negro simply because of the color of his skin. We repeat that he ought to ask and be accorded equal rights and privileges; certainly, no more.
We do not claim perfection for our movement. In a movement composed of such immense numbers as ours, a mistake may be made, and this, too, toward a white man. When this is done, a corrective effort is made; when, however, it occurs with a colored man it is magnified and exaggerated by the “superiors” to whom we have already referred; and an effort is made to convey the notion that it is the rule, not the exception, and that the labor movement does not grant the right of the negro to organize.
The real difficulty in the matter is that the colored workers have allowed themselves to be used with too frequent telling effect by their employers as to injure the cause and interests of themselves as well as of the white workers. They have too often allowed themselves to be regarded as “cheap men,” and all realize that “cheap men” are not only an impediment to to the attainment of the workers’ just rights, and the progress of civilization, but will tie themselves to the slough of despond and despair.
The antipathy that we know some union workers have against the colored man is not because of his color, but because of the fact that generally he is a “cheap man.” It is the constant aim of our movement to relieve all workers, white and black, from such an unenviable and unprofitable condition.
In a recent article by a distinguished colored writer, he falls into the common error which others of his race make. Booker T. Washington, to whom we refer, imtimated that it would be to the advantage of the colored workers if they would be so situated in their home lives that their employers could control them as well as the lives of their families. Certainly, if this policy is pursued, it implies that the economic, social, and moral progress and advancement of the negro is dependent upon the philanthropic and humane consideration of their employers. How much can be expected from this source is well known to any observer of economic and industrial development. Be sides this, if workers are to rely upon the “good will and control” of the employers, it presupposes that there is either no need or no inclination for organization. In other words and in truth, it places the position of the colored worker exactly as a cheap man; and it is this feature of the problem which arouses much of the antagonism and feeling among the organized, and more intensely by the unorganized workmen, whose very bitterest antipathies are aroused against the colored workmen because they couple them with an instrument of their employers to force down and keep down wages to the deterioration of the Caucasian race.7
If the colored workmen desire to accept the honest invitation of our movement to organize; if those who have influence over the minds of the colored workmen will encourage the earnest, honest effort put forth by our fellow-unionists, we will find larger success attending their efforts, economic bitterness and antagonism between the races reduced, minimized, and obliterated; but, if the colored workers are taught to depend entirely upon the “good will and control” of their employers; that they can be brought from place to place at any time to thwart the struggle of the white workers for material, moral and social improvement; that hostility will increase, and thus countered the very best efforts of those who are earnestly engaged in the endeavor for the unification of labor, the attainment of social improvement of all the people, and their entire disenthrallment from every vestige of tyranny, wrong, and injustice.
American Federationist (April, 1901): 118.
11. THE ALABAMA STATE FEDERATION OF LABOR CONVENTION, 1901
April 20
The convention was called to order at 9:30 by President Flynn, who declared the nomination and election of officers in order. President Flynn in a few brief remarks stated that the rule had been that the first vice-president be selected from the colored delegation.
He then appointed the following to act as tellers: Kemp, Richardson, Hooper, Callahan and Brooks.
Nominations for President: R. B. Howard, J. H. F. Mosley, F. B. Williams, George Barbour, Ed. Flynn, L. B. Evans, William Kirkpatrick.
Williams and Flynn declined to run.
The vote on the first ballot stood: Howard, 28; Kirkpatrick, 18; Barbour, 15; Mosley, 13; Evans, 9. No election and Evans was dropped.
Second ballot: Howard, 25; Kirkpatrick, 31, Barbour, 15; Mosley, 12. No election and Mosley was dropped.
Third ballot: Barbour withdrew from the race. The vote was: Howard, 27; Kirkpatrick, 56, and the latter was declared elected and upon motion of Mr. Howard the election was made unanimous.
Nominations for First Vice President: S. L. Brooks, R. B. Howard, L. B. Evans, J. H. Bean, A. L. Womack.
Howard, Evans and Bean declined to run.
First ballot: Brooks, 65; Womack 15. Brooks was declared elected First Vice President; J. H. Bean was elected Second Vice President by acclamation; D. U. Williams was elected Secretary-Treasurer by acclamation.8
April 27
The convention came to order promptly at 9 o’clock, and the committee on labels reported that union men were derelict in demanding the union label, thereby diminishing the sale of union-made goods, and the committee recommended that the convention urge union men to buy only union-labeled goods and call for the card of the clerk selling them.
Under the head of the good and welfare of the Federation R. B. Howard of Bessemer made a talk, urging unionists to throw off party yokes and carry political issues into their unions. This he believed would be the redemption of the working people.
S. L. Brooks, colored, urged that active efforts be made to organize the negro. It may be only a matter of time, he said, until the organized white crafts might have to lay down their tools in an effort to better their condition, and their places filled with the unorganized negroes. He asked whose fault it would be if they did. “The white man’s,” he said, “because the negro has to live, and if he couldn’t get a dollar a day he would take 50 cents.” “The negro, he said, was not asking for social equality, but for an equal chance to make an honest dollar. His talk was well received and his election as first vice president was in line with his request.
J. H. Bean, colored, of Selma, talked along the same line and related what had been done in the way of organization in his town.
Birmingham Labor Advocate, April 20, 27, 1901.
12. STATUS OF THE NEGRO IN THE TRADES UNION MOVEMENT
In view of the action of the Alabama State Federation of Labor in electing to its first and second vice-presidencies colored unionists, and thereby demonstrating their position toward colored workers, as toilers and wage-earners, and the mooted question in our beautiful southland of the competition of negro labor with white labor, the following from the American Federationist, the official journal of the A. F. of L., will be read with interest:
“For years the American Federation of Labor has declared in favor of, and the necessity for, the organization of all workers, without regard to creed, color, sex, nationality, or politics. In making the declaration for the complete organization of all workers, it does not necessarily proclaim that the social barriers which exist between the whites and blacks could or should be obliterated; but it realizes that when white and black workers are compelled to work side by side, under the same equally unfair and adverse conditions, it would be an anomaly to refuse to accord the right of organization to workers because of a difference in their color.”
This is an excerpt from a lengthy article on this subject which goes into many of the difficulties, and it states unmistakably the position of the American Federation of Labor.9
Among the difficulties mentioned are some that arise from self-exalting meddling persons who think that the colored workers when organized should be taken under their superior wing, given special privileges, and otherwise fostered and fondled and given special protection from the designs of the unions of white workers, which exist only in the imagination, or for the fell purpose of these egoists and self-seekers.
The Federationist further says:
“For their protection, as well as for the promotion of their interests, the colored workers should organize and in all cases become affiliated with the organizations of white wage-earners or form colored workers’ unions in full sympathy and co-operation of the white workers’ unions.
“At the Louisville Convention of the American Federation of Labor authority was granted to organize and grant charters to separate local and central bodies of colored workmen, wherever such two bodies would promote the interests of all the workers.
“The American Federation of Labor has a large number of unions affiliated, composed exclusively of colored workers, who feel that their interests are safeguarded by the officers of our movement as justly and wisely the organizations of any other toilers.
“Again, we have unions composed of white and blacks, and generally these work together without any friction at all.
“When a white man desires to become a member of an organization he is proposed for membership and is required to submit to rules which experience has demonstrated to be necessary. Certainly, no greater privilege can be conferred upon a negro simply because of the color of his skin. We repeat that he ought to ask and be accorded equal rights and privileges; certainly, no more.”
This is cleancut and covers the whole ground. This has been our opinion for a long time, and as we have no copyright on our opinions we are glad to see the Federationist express them so clearly and so forcibly. In this district, where the whites and blacks are organized in one union or meet in mass conclave, both parties to the arrangement are well satisfied, and it is certain that the colored element would not change it were it in their power, while in the case of the whites it is a problem of conditions to which there is no other solution, and they accept the inevitable with ready grace and strive to better the condition of the negro by every means, knowing that in doing this is the only way to better their own condition. The only friction that occurs or is likely to occur—and for the life of us we can’t recall a case in point at this time—is when social equality is expected or sought, and to the credit of the colored man can it be said that those worthy of having in the movement do not seek or expect this unobtainable boon.
The only thing that remains is for the colored race to wake up to the benefits of unionism, and embrace the opportunity offered with a full sense of what he is doing and a determination to live up to his obligation, without fear of discrimination on account of color, creed, or political beliefs.
Birmingham Labor Advocate, April 27, 1901.
13. ALABAMA STATE FEDERATION OF LABOR CONVENTION AT SELMA, ALABAMA, 1902
The local newspapers are discussing the fact that negro delegates will be seated in the convention of the State Federation of Labor, and that second vice-president J. H. Beane, a colored carpenter, has taken a leading part in making arrangements for the convention.
The State Federation does not draw the color line, and the delegates will be seated as in all general conventions under the American Federation of Labor . . . color or creed is no bar to a fair day’s service. If the people of Selma for this reason turn the cold shoulder to the Alabama State Federation of Labor in the matter of hall accommodations it will not interfere in any way with the deliberations of the convention. . . . During the discussion of the question, Mr. McCustney of the Birmingham Typographical Union stated that he favored the motion to appoint a committee to secure a new hall because it will present an opportunity of ascertaining whether the people of Selma would turn down the representative body of 40,000 organized laborers. Rather than see one delegate, black or white, thrown out of this convention, I would go to the woods and hold this meeting.
The negro vice-president stated that he had gone to the board of revenue and other citizens trying to get a hall. “They will give you a hall gladly for your meetings but it will have a white cloth.” He intimated that rather than interfere with the meeting he would be glad to withdraw and allow the whites to proceed with the business.
The information was unnoticed and Delegate Randall stated that he agreed with Delegate McCustney, and that if the people of Selma refused to give them a hall they would go out into the woods where the music of the birds would be the accompaniment of their proceedings. . . .
The hall committee reported on the afternoon of April 23, that Commandant Craight of the United Confederate Veterans, had offered the use of the hall to the convention “without regard to the color line.”
Birmingham Age-Herald, April 23, 24, 1902.
14. THE NEGRO MECHANICS OF ATLANTA
[In the Spring of 1902 seniors from Atlanta University interviewed numerous Black artisans in that city, including H. H. Pace.]
The first person from whom I obtained any real information was a brickmason who received me cordially and who was inclined to talk. . . . He was a Union man and said that colored brickmasons were well received by the white unions “if they knew their business,” although the initiation fee was larger for colored men and the sick and death benefits much smaller for them than for whites. I next saw a machinist who lived in a tumble down house in a rather poor locality. But he said he owned the house. I found a carpenter who was almost totally despondent. He couldn’t get work. . . .
The next thing of particular interest to me was a gang of men, white and black, at work upon ten or twelve three-room houses. The person in charge of the work was a colored man who gave his name and address Tom Carlton, Edgewood, Georgia. He talked to me himself but refused to let me talk to his employees. . . . He said he could join the white union now, they were after him every day to do so. But he wouldn’t, because once awhile back when he was working for wages he was refused admission. . . .
Of the whole number questioned . . . all had worked at some time or did work sometimes with whites in the same work. The painters said that the white painters were not very friendly disposed toward them, and did not allow them to join their union under any circumstances. The plumbers were under somewhat the same ban.
Not one of the artisans in my territory had been to a trade school. Nearly every one simply “worked awhile under a first-class brickmason” or “carpenter,” etc. Several had learned their trades during slavery and followed them ever since. . . . None answered “Yes,” to the question of any “higher training.”
The most interesting bit of information in regard to color discrimination was obtained from a colored fireman on the Southern Railway. He said the Company refused to sign a contract and wage scale with his union but did sign one with the white union. Moreover, he said:
If I take a train from here to Greenville, S. C., I get for that trip $2.60, the white engineer gets $6.00. But if that same train had the same engineer and a white fireman, the engineer would get his $6.00 just the same but the fireman would get $3.25. He gets 65 cts. more for doing the same work I do. . . .
W. E. Berghardt Du Bois, ed., The Negro Artisan (Atlanta, 1902), p. 115.
15. ATTITUDE OF A NEGRO BRICKLAYER ON UNION POLICIES
The comment of the Negro bricklayer who scoured my figures is important “A Negro,” he says, “has to he extra fit in his trade to retain his membership, as the eye of all the other workers are watching every opportunity to disqualify him, thereby compelling a super-efficiency. Yet at all times he is the last to come and the first to go on the job, necessitating his seeking other work for a living. While all the skilled trades seem willing to accept the Negro with his travelling card, yet there are some which utterly refuse him; for instance, the house smiths and bridge men who will not recognize him at all. While membership in the Union is necessary to work, yet the hardest part of the battle is to secure employment. In some cases intercession has been made by various organizations interested in his industrial progress for employment at the offices of various companies, and favorable answers are given, but hostile foremen with discretionary power carry out their instructions in such a manner as to render his employment of such short duration that he is very little benefited. Of course, there are some contractors who are very friendly to a few men, and whenever any work is done by them, they are certain of employment. Unfortunately, these are too few.”
Mary White Ovington, Half A Man (New York, 1914), pp. 98–99.
THE NEW ORLEANS GENERAL STRIKE OF 1892
16. V. SCHELIN TO CHRIS EVANS, NOVEMBER 1, 189210
A. F. of L.
New Orleans Marine and Stationary Firemen’s Protective Union No. 5707
Dear Sir & Bro.:
. . . there is at present time a strike on in the city of teamster & Loaders and warehouseman and the Amalgamated Council is about to order a general strike throughout this City will write more fully on subject next week.
Fraternally,
V. Schelin
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
Strikers Assault Non-Union Drivers—Record of the Day
At 1 o’clock yesterday afternoon, Thomas Young, a negro teamster employed by Labote & Co., was loading his float at the intersection of the New Basin and Liberty street, when he was set upon and brutally beaten by a negro striker, who made his escape before the arrival of the police. Young, who resides on Franklin street, near Liberty, drove back to the factory.
Half an hour later a colored driver named Chas. Crane, employed by Mr. Murphy, was passing on his float at the corner of Delord and Front streets, when a crowd of six unknown strikers, who were standing at the corner, rushed at him with brickbats in their hands and drove him away, after which they made their escape.
Wm. Crawford and Gus Ferdinand, two drivers for Mr. Douglas, were passing at the corner of Front and Calliope streets, when they were driven from their floats, by a crowd of strikers. The police dispersed the strikers and the two teamsters proceeded unmolested.
The strikers were more violent in the neighborhood of the Illinois Central Railroad depot, and at 5:30 o’clock p.m., Geo. E. Lane, a driver for Mr. Douglas, who was taking a load of rice from the corner of Spain and Chartres streets to the Illinois Central Railroad Depot, was on reaching that place, halted by a number of white men, who compelled him to proceed on his way up town. They followed the float as far as the corner of Market and South Peters streets, when several of them jumped on the float and drove Lane away. They were then joined by several other strikers, with whose help they unloaded the float and spilled the rice barrels in the street. They bursted three of them open and spilled the contents in the gutter.
The police had by that time been notified and Capt. Barrett and a squad of men proceeded to the scene in the patrol wagon, but as usual, they arrived too late, and when they put in an appearance the strikers had taken flight.
At 7 o’clock p.m. at the corner of South Peters and Canal streets, one of Mr. D. M. Valon’s floats, loaded with rice and driven by Henry Antoine, was stopped by four unknown strikers who ordered the driver to leave his seat. He complied with their orders, and Mr. Valon had to send one of his clerks to drive the float back.
At the same time, at the corner of Poydras and Freret streets, two floats, owned by Mr. Andrew Whalen, were stopped by infuriated strikers, who beat the drivers away and then cut the harness. The floats were placed in the Mississippi Valley yard, and the mules were driven to Mr. Whalen’s stables.
At 7 o’clock a telephone message was received at the Central Police Station to the effect that there was a disturbance at the corner of Poydras and South Peters streets. A squad of police in the patrol wagon was immediately sent to the scene, and Henry Alexander, a colored teamster, was arrested and locked up in the First Precinct Station charged with threatening to assault with a rock one Ned Burke, driver of a float. When searched at the station the prisoner had on him a large rock, which was held as evidence. Notwithstanding the troubles in different parts of the city, this is the only striker arrested yesterday by the police.
At 4 o’clock yesterday, on Girod street, between Fulton and Peters streets, Ike McQuinn, a driver for Andrew Whalen, was struck in the face with a brick by an unknown white striker, McQuinn, whose lips were slightly cut, proceeded on his way up.
At 6:45 o’clock John Russell was driven off his wagon, near the Mississippi Valley Railroad depot, by some unknown negro strikers, who made their escape on the arrival of the police.
At about 1 o’clock in the afternoon a float bearing license plates No. 8225 was abandoned by its driver, on Liberty, between Perdido and Gravier streets. The mules were turned loose by some colored boys, and the harness was taken for safekeeping by Mr. Maurice Glaudne, of No. 129 Perdido street.
Thos. Dennis, a colored boy, fifteen years of age, came running into the First Precinct Station yesterday morning stating that he had been ordered off his float by two negroes, who threatened to beat him. He said that he had thus been compelled to leave the vehicle, which belongs to Mr. John Everett, at the corner of Poydras and Freret streets. The boy, under protection of an officer, resumed his way.
New Orleans Times-Democrat, November 1, 1892.
18. STILL GENERAL
The Amalgamated Council Adheres to the General Strike Plan—Blaming the Failure to Arbitrate Upon the Merchants’ Committee—The Wholesale Tie-Up Fixed for Saturday—And a Meeting of Presidents of Unions Called for To-day—To Receive Instructions as to the Conduct of the Coming Strike—The Merchants Prepare to Meet the Emergency—Take Steps to Form a Protective League of Employers—And Raise a Fund to be Expended by an Executive Committee
AMALGAMATED COUNCIL
Address to the Public by Chairman Leonard’s Committee of Arbitration
The following address was furnished to the press at a late hour last night:
“To the Public: The question of the general strike having been the cause of a great deal of anxiety and interest to the general public of late, we, the committee appointed by the Workingmen’s Amalgamated Council to arbitrate and settle the differences, think it just and proper to make a statement in order to place the responsibility, if any, on the proper parties.
“As was published in the press of this city, the general strike was declared off on Wednesday, pending a settlement of the differences existing between the labor unions and the merchants and Boss Draymen’s Association. We took the matter in good faith in order to prevent any further calamity or depression in the business of this city, and acted. Among the conditions exacted of us in order to get a conference with a committee from the merchants’ side was that we declare the strike off and order the men who had quit work back to their former positions, which they occupied previous to the strike, they (the merchants) to reinstate all of their old hands.
“We granted the concession to the merchants and thought we would be able to settle the trouble on an equitable and just basis. After we had proceeded to the point where we were impressed that a half hour’s conference would settle the difficulty, we were confronted with another strange proceeding.
“As soon as we got together and were about to get to the issue, they asked for an adjournment to some other hour, stating that they were hungry. But when we opposed the question it was shown that they wanted to adjourn in order to consult on what unionism meant. We told them that was what we were there for—to explain away the obnoxious features of unionism.
“They then claimed the right of going into executive session at any time during our arbitration in case any important question arose; in other words, put us out of the room and decide questions among themselves, and bind every man’s vote on their side before we could convince them of our opinion. Queer way is this to arbitrate.
“However, the proposition to adjourn was granted by us, we thought, and it was understood before adjournment that they were to take up the one question of unionism.
“After reconvening, at 7:30 o’clock p.m., they once more evaded our main agreement by a resolution stating that they could not treat with us because all our union men had not reported for duty that morning, and some of them who had gone to work were ordered to quit.
“We had discussed this matter in the meeting held in the evening, and, after stating that some of our members were refused their old positions (according to agreement) it was understood on both sides that it was a misapprehension, owing to the lateness of the hour of our conclusion on Wednesday morning, it being after 3:30 o’clock when conclusions were reached.
“Now, in order to continue negotiations with them, they required us to order the men back to work, which would naturally follow that we must adjourn until Thursday. We were there ready to settle the difficulty then, and naturally the men would be required to go to work immediately upon a settlement. They would not agree to this and consequently we had to suspend all negotiations.
“We have endeavored to bring about a settlement of the controversy by an honest and open arbitration of all differences. We were willing to give them all the points, nearly, that they asked in order to bring about the solution of the difficulty, but simply because we would not submit to a virtual adjournment for another day, which means a great deal to a workingman, they claim they will not arbitrate.
“Suppose we, on the other hand, would have acted as arbitrary in the matter, what position would it place us in with the community. They would say that we were afraid to go to arbitration.
“The question raised about the agreement of the night before can be readily understood, when it is stated that the agreement was not consummated until after 3:30 o’clock in the morning, and it was impossible for us to have over 2000 men ready for work at 6 o’clock.
“However, the following merchants were called on by the strikers for their positions and were given their answers. This will show that there was a misapprehension, which could have been settled by arbitration Wednesday night;
“Schmitt & Ziegler—Will take some men back.
“Flashpoller—Take one; leave the balance go.
“Zuberbier & Behan—Wanted to select three out of six.
“Philip Nagle—Won’t hire union men.
“Chambers, Roy & Co.—Same answer.
“Jack Bokenfohr—Same answer.
“John Adams—Don’t understand it and won’t act until he does.
“Charles Sach—Advised his men to keep striking; would not take them back.
“Nicholas Burke—Did not know anything about it; wouldn’t discharge new men until he found out further.
“C. Doyle—Some men in his employ ran the strikers away.
“We submitted these names to the committee and have since received a dozen more. It was stated by Mr. Clark in committee at the morning conference that it was a misapprehension, and that this matter would cut no figure in the arbitration.
“Another curious way to arbitrate was the fact that when we proposed to elect an umpire they stated to us that it was not necessary; we could settle matters without the eleventh man. We told them that our opinions were at variance and consequently it would naturally require the eleventh man to decide. They however refused and our committee, under those circumstances, fails to see how we could arbitrate or settle anything.
“With these facts presented, we are willing to leave our case to an unprejudiced public, and hope that they will then place the responsibility where it rightfully belongs in case the scope of the present difficulty is in any way broadened.”
This is signed by John Breen, A.M. Keir, James E. Porter, J. M. Callaghan, and James Leonard, chairman.
New Orleans Daily Picayune, November 4, 1892.
19. “SENEGAMBIAN SCHEMES”
The very worst feature, indeed, in the whole case seems to be that the white element of the labor organizations appear either to be under the domination of Senegambian influence, or that they are at least lending themselves willing tools to carry out Senegambian schemes.
New Orleans Times-Democrat, November 4, 1892.
The Amalgamated Council Finally Decides Upon the Step—And Orders the Arm of Labor to Become Inert at Noon,—To Coerce the Merchants Into Making Terms With the Strikers—All of the Unions to Go Out Except the Typographical—Even the Cotton Labor Organizations Joining the Movement—The Merchants Doubt the Seriousness of the Threat—But the Executive Committee Maps Out Measures—While the City and State Authorities Take Cognizance of the Coming Contest—The City Council Called to Meet This Morning.
THE STRIKE ORDERED
By Representatives of Some Forty-Odd Labor Bodies
HALL AMALGAMATED COUNCIL,
New Orleans, Nov. 4, 1892
At a meeting of the presidents of the labor unions and organizations held on Friday, Nov. 4, 1892, at the Screwmen’s Hall, the following manifesto was adopted and ordered submitted to all the members of labor unions and organizations in the city of New Orleans.
To All Union Men Wherever Found Greeting: In view of the fact that in the difficulty now existing between the Board of Trade and merchants, boss draymen and weighers, and in view of the fact that they claim to represent the entire employing power in the city, and claim broadly and emphatically that they will not recognize unions or labor organizations in connection with their business, and endeavor by their acts to prevent other employers from either employing or recognizing union men, and, believing it for the best interest of organized labor that we refrain from working for any employer until the Board of Trade and others recognize the rights of men to organize into labor unions for their own protection and defence, we issue this manifesto to all unions throughout the city, calling on them as union men to abstain from any work or assisting in any way in prolonging the difficulty.
The gauntlet has been thrown down by the employers that the laboring men have no rights that they are bound to respect, and in our opinion the loss of this battle will affect each and every union man in the city, and after trying every honorable means to attain an equitable and just settlement, we find no means left open but to issue this call to all union men to stop work and assist with their presence and open support from and after Saturday noon, Nov. 5, 1892, and show to the merchants and all others interested that the labor unions are united.
JAMES LEONARD, chairman,
JOHN BREEN,
W. M. KEIR,
JAS. E. PORTER,
JOHN M. CALLAHAN,
Committee.11
Louis Stachling, Bakers and Confectioners No. 185.
Geo. Buhler, Broom Makers’ Union No. 5815.
J. L. Brown, Carpenters and Joiners No. 634.
E. T. Gibson, Carpenters and Joiners No. 739.
E. J. Melarober, Carpenters and Joiners No. 732.
Aug. Lumberg, Carpenters and Joiners No. 76.
Hy. Reilly, Carpenters and Joiners No. 240.
L. D. Landry, Carpenters and Joiners No. 704.
M. S. Hall, Car Drivers No. 5490.
J. A. Monier, Clothing Clerks No. 61.
Geo. Speiss, Cooper’s International No. 4.
Jas. W. Kelly, Cotton Yardmen’s Benevolent Association No. 1.
J. E. Boyle, Horseshoers No. 5755.
J. B. McClellan, Grain Shovelers No. 5812.
A. R. Ketchum, Marine Mates No. 5802.
Jno. H. Conners, Retail Dry Goods Clerks’ Union.
Chas. Horn, Marine and Stationary Firemen No. 2707.
Lee J. Huie, Brotherhood of Painters and Decorators No. 76.
E. P. Brillault, Brotherhood of Painters and Decorators and Paper Hangers No. 202.
F. L. Winters, Pile Drivers and Wharf Builders No. 5801.
J. W. Winfrey, Round Freight Teamsters and Loaders No. 5818.
F. Freisch, Sugar Workers’ Protective Union, No. 5765.
Fred. Disque, Grain Shovelers No. 5861.
Longshoremen’s Benevolent Association.
B. Moses, Musicians’ Union.
E. W. Reese, Warehousemen and Packers No. 5800.
W. C. Brown, Teamsters and Lumber Yardmen.
Dorsey Moore, Scalemen’s Union No. 5869.
C. H. White, New Basin Teamsters No. 5870.
Geo. Giles, Ship Scrapers’ Union No. 5818.
Jos. Markey, Gas Workers No. 5894.
C. A. Lucas, Coal Wheelers No. 5814.
D. A. Ingersoll, Coachmen’s Union No. 5717.
G. F. Wilson, Cotton Yardmen’s Benevolent Association No. 2.
A. M. Keir, International Boilermakers and Iron Ship Builders’ Union.
James E. Porter, assistant organizer, American Federation of Labor.
John M. Callahan, general organizer, American Federation of Labor.
Paul Armand, Screwmen’s Benevolent Association No. 2.
Aaron Butler, Marine Firemen No. 5565.
Louis Shaeffer, Railway Workers No. 198.
Hy. Burrell, American Carriers.
O. Morice, Coachmen’s Benevolent Association No. 5811.
Ed. Hale, Rice Workers’ Union No. 5810.
J. Tracey, Operative Plasterers’ Union No. 93.
Ed. P. Bell, Shoe Clerks No. 78.
John Breen, Screwmens’ Benevolent Association No. 1.
New Orleans Daily Picayune, November 5, 1892.
21. JOHN M. CALLAGHAN TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, NOVEMBER 7, 1892
New Orleans, La.
Dear Sir & Bro.:
I suppose you see by your papers that our town is up side down. Every one in town are on a strike. The Merchants and boss dray men combined to “fight the union to the knife and the knife to the hilt.” We accepted the def. and now every union man in town are out of employment and are willing to remain out until the Merchant and boss draymen take their men to work as Union men and treat with them as such.
There are fully 25,000 men idle. There is no newspapers to be printed. No gas or electric light in the city. No wagons, no carpenters, painters or in fact any business doing.
We have had interviews with the Mayor and governor, and stated our case and defined our objects.
The merchants and boss draymen are willing to meet and arbitrate wages and hours but will not discuss Unionism in any shape. Their former proposition was they would take the men back at the positions they left, and discuss their differences after. Their new proposition now is to discuss hours and wages but never Unionism.
I am one of a committee of 5 with full power to act and all the power appertaining to the Amalgamated workingmen’s council. We think we will win this strike. I am afraid that Mr. Donegan is now doing more to bring his position and mine in discredit.
Porter and I are both on the committee. Donegan could not under any circumstance get on. He is managing a strike of Carriage Drivers and prevents them so I am told from accepting arbitration even the bosses are willing to accept the president of the Amalgamated Council as arbitrator. He wants to be arbitrator or nothing.
I am sorry you are not down here to take a hand in it. It is a strike that will go down in history If we win we have the best union city in the country if we lose we have none.
Yours etc.
John M. Callaghan
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
22. V. SCHELIN TO CHRIS EVANS, NOVEMBER 8, 1892
A. F. of L.
New Orleans Marine and Stationary Firemen’s Protective
Union No. 5707
Dear Sir and Bro.:
. . . at our last meeting i had the pleasure of being elected a Delegate to represent our union at the convention in Phila on the 12th December when i hope to have the pleasure of meeting you there and our fellow members of this great and glorious institution that we owe our allegiance to, and may we in that grand old city of historical fame and Brotherly Love cement the Bonds of Brotherhood and Fraternal ties that will stand before the world an everlasting monument of strength and show to the world at large that in unionism there is strength and that our order stands preeminently at the head of this human Race. Founded as it is on the same and glorious principle as the great republic that we live in and who stand to day one of the greatest Nations on this Globe so we as a band of Brotherhood in unionism proclaim to the world that though we are laborers, we are possessed of manhood and Principle and that the laborer is worthy of his hire and not the degraded wretch so often portrayed in this grand universe. . . .
We are at present on a strike in which the whole city has been tied up and commerce has been completely stopped, the point at issue is unionism and if we fail in the recognition of the union we have lost our cause, and so all labor organization recognizing the great point at issue have responded nobly to the Call of the Amalgamated Council with the exception of a few and at present writing the press has been stopped and no papers were for sale this day the governor has been called in to arbitrate matters. . . .
Fraternally yours,
V. Schelin
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
23. A PLUCKY BAKER
Saturday night, a negro Striker visited the bakery of Mr. Lambert Frantz on Poydras near Baronne street, and tried to persuade the men there employed to join the strike. Mr. Frantz ordered the man off the premises but he became very insolent until he angered Mr. Frantz who struck him in the face, giving him a black eye, after which he placed the negro under arrest. Sunday night the establishment of Mr. Frantz was again visited—this time by a party of six or more white men—but they were met with the information that the first man to enter the establishment, or to attempt any interference with the men there employed, they would be shot down. The courage of the crowd soon oozed out, and after a few malignant looks and ugly mutterings, they went elsewhere.
New Orleans Daily Picayune, November 8, 1892.
24. THE COMMITTEE OF FIVE
The fate of organized labor in this city, so far as the amalgamated council is concerned, is in the hands of five men. These five men constitute an executive committee of amalgamated laborers, clothed with power to order a general strike of laborers, which power they have exercised, and the strike ordered by them last Saturday is still on. These five men are: John Breen, representing the cotton Screwmen’s association—the Screwmen were working yesterday; John M. Callahan, representing the Cotton Yardmen—the yardmen were working yesterday; A.M. Kier—representing the boiler makers—the boiler makers were working yesterday; James E. Porter—a colored man, clerking in the United States customhouse, and representing longshoremen—business is going on as usual at the customhouse, and the longshoremen are working; James Leonard—representing the Union Printers—the Union Printers are kept from their work, and from their duty to employers against whom they have no grievance.
New Orleans Daily Picayune, November 10, 1892.
25. JOHN M. CALLAGHAN TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, NOVEMBER 13, 1892
New Orleans, La.
Dear Sir & Bro:
. . . The newspapers are down on us because we would not give them men to print their papers and I reckon we are now the blackest men in town. We controlled the men so well that no one was seriously injured and no one killed. The newspapers are down on the mayor and city council for not making the men go to work and using the police to do it with. The police arrested every man who violated the law and he was severely dealt with. We had several conferences with the Mayor and the governor and defied them to point out any violence. There were lots of extra policemen and all the militia out but they could find nothing to do, and did not dare to force us go to work again our will.
We now have charges against us in the U.S. circuit court for violation of the Interstate Commerce law and about 50 of us will have to answer on Saturday Nov 19 to some charge or another and again on the first Monday in Dec. I dont know the charge but I know the penalty because all the newspapers have been telling us. It is $5,000 fine and 6 years imprisonment. If they convict us all the town will go to —— and a man will have to beg for work and starve when he gets it. . . .
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
26. JOHN M. CALLAGHAN TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, NOVEMBER 13, 1892
New Orleans, La.
Dear Sir & Bro. :
. . . My resignation will go into effect from and immediately after receipt of this letter. . . .
I worked up this town from center to circumference and believe I have the confidence of every workingman in the city. I believe I done more to make this a union town than any man in it. I fear often when I think of what will become of me if I lose my health or strength and am not able to be a screwman. Even with them I feel in bad favor as a workman because they say “He is out all night at meetings starting some nigger union and how do you expect he can be able to work next day, and if there is a strike any place you may not see him for a week or two” I conclude now I will have to look to myself and endeavor to do as much for myself as I have done for others. . . .
I remain as ever fraternally yours,
John M. Callaghan
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
27. R. P. FLEMING TO SIR [SAMUEL GOMPERS], NOVEMBER 16, 1892
New Orleans, La.
Dear Sir,
. . . It was the finest exhibition of the unification of Labor and reliance on and obedience to leaders of men ever had in this or any other city. We placed the opposition entirely hors du combat. . . .
The novel sight was presented of the employers being the threateners and the ones who hoped and hoped in vain for some act on the part of the men calling upon its allies, the militia and the law. They were nearly maddened and in their appeals to each other, “to do something,” were met with the saddened reply, “I cannot; we cannot arrest men for merely refusing to work.” “And there you are.” The men “were quiet and firm,” and there was less disturbance and conflicts, notwithstanding one of the strike days was election day, than any equal number of days at any time. The police records fully prove this. . . .
From what I have learned to-day the future of Organized Labor looks bright. . . .
Yours truly,
R. P. Fleming
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
28. SAMUEL GOMPERS TO JOHN M. CALLAGHAN, NOVEMBER 21, 1892
New Orleans, La.
Dear Sir and Brother:
To me the movement in New Orleans was a very bright ray of hope for the future of organized labor and convinces me that the advantage which every other element fails to succeed in falls to the mission of organized labor. Never in the history of the world was such an exhibition, where when every other element fails to succed it falls to the mission of organized labor. Never in the history of the world was such an exhibition, where with all the prejudices existing against the black man, when the white wage-workers of New Orleans would sacrifice their means of livelihood to defend and protect their colored fellow workers. With one fell swoop the economic barrier of color was broken down. Under the circumstances I regard the movement as a very healthy sign of the times and one which speaks well for the future of organized labor in the “New South” about which the politicians prate so much and mean so little.
Fraternally yours,
Samuel Gompers
Samuel Gompers Letter-Books, Library of Congress
29.
HALL OF
WORKINGMEN’S AMALGAMATED COUNCIL OF NEW ORLEANS
November 21, 1892
To all Labor Unions and Associations of Workingmen of the United States:
The manufacturers, merchants and capitalists, with the subsidized Press of this city, are combined in a determined effort to crush all labor unions and associations of workingmen existing here.
A federal Judge has been found, who, under the pretense that strikes have the effect of interrupting commerce, holds that those who exercise their rights to refrain from labor violate the recent act of Congress against combinations in restraint of interstate and international commerce, and who has made an order enjoining the labor unions and associations of this city from engaging in any strike.
The injunction so granted is merely a preliminary injunction, which may be set aside on the final hearing or on appeal to a higher court. The workingmen of this city intend to carry this case to the court of last resort, and they hope that the Supreme Court of the United States will rise above the considerations which have frequently affected the decisions rendered by many judges of the inferior courts. We believe the judges of the Supreme Court will give us justice; but even though their decision should be against us, it will be well to know that, under existing laws as interpreted by the courts, free men can be made slaves. If this be true, the sooner the truth becomes generally known the better; for when it becomes known, all men who love liberty will unite in securing the repeal of such iniquitous laws.
The expenses attendant on the litigation in which the workingmen of this city are thus involved will amount to a very considerable sura, and in view of the fact that their cause is the cause of all workingmen, they feel justified in asking not only for sympathy but for material aid from workingmen of all other localities.
Contributions, which will be thankfully received, may be forwarded to
WM. MOAKE,
534 Carondelet St., or
JAS. LEONARD,
President Amalgamated Council
486 Royal St.,
New Orleans, La.
Copy in A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
30. GOMPERS’ TESTIMONY
“We had some years ago in the city of New Orleans one of the largest and most general strikes that ever occurred in this country, and the reason of it all was that the working people of New Orleans were becoming fairly well organized. Some of the unions were in existence many years. The drayman, the teamsters—Colored men—formed a union and organized labor generally had their agreements with the employers. The colored draymen’s union sent a committee to the employers for the purpose of having their agreements signed, and the employers would not talk to the ‘niggers’. Organized labor of New Orleans sent committees to the employers and wanted to have the agreement signed, and they would not sign it,—would not enter into any agreement with ‘niggers’. Organized labor of New Orleans went on a strike; every machinist went on a strike; every printer went on a strike; no paper made its appearance; the men working in the gas-houses went on a strike and there was no illumination that night; the bakers went on a strike, and all other white workers went on a strike for the purpose of securing recognition to the colored workmen. And I make mention of this as being what appears to me a very interesting episode in the labor movement, and as an answer to those who have always hurled the epithet to us that we will not assist in the organization of the colored workmen. If there is any union of labor that says anything or takes any action regarding the colored man of the South it is not because of his color; it is because he has rights as an individual or because they have generally in the trade so conducted themselves as to be a continuous convenient whip placed in the hands of the employer to cow the white men and to compel them to accept abject conditions of labor. It is not a question of personal prejudice or color prejudice, and, as I tried to show by that incident of the New Orleans strike, when it comes to the interests of labor, the white men are willing to sacrifice their positions and their future in order to secure a recognition of the rights of the colored workmen.”
Testimony of Samuel Gompers before Industrial Commission, Washington, D.C., April 18, 1899, quoted in Samuel Gompers, Labor and the Employer, (New York, 1920), pp. 166–67.
SAMUEL GOMPERS, A. F. OF L. ORGANIZERS AND OFFICIALS, AND BLACK WORKERS: CORRESPONDENCE, 1889–1895
31. SAMUEL GOMPERS TO A. F. OF L. ORGANIZER JAMES H. WHITE, SEPTEMBER 14, 1889
Dear Sir,
If we fail to organize the colored wage-workers, we cannot blame them very well if they accept our challenge of enmity and do all they can to frustrate our purposes. If we fail to make friends of them, the employing class won’t be so shortsighted and play them against us. Thus if common humanity will not prompt us to have their cooperation, then enlightened self-interest should.
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
32. N. E. ST. CLOUD TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, NOVEMBER 1, 1890
American Federation of Labor Office of General Organizer
Dear Sir & Bro.:
herafter my address will be 225 Duffy St. Savannah, Ga.
I have failed so far to get a union here in Savannah. this is undoubtedly the worst place in the U.S. for organized Labor, but I do not Despair yet, although the remnant of the K. of L. here, are working against me, tooth and nail, I have been in Constant Correspondence with Albany for several months, and will Succeed there, although the K. of L. are working hard to beat me there, and all I can do is through the mail, as I am not able to go on uncertaintys,12
Fraternally yours,
N. E. St. Cloud, Gen. Org.
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
33. JOSIAH B. DYER TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, NOVEMBER 17, 1890
The Granite Cutters’ National Union of the United States
Barre, Vt.
Dear Sir and Brother:
. . . In regard to the tool sharpeners there is a strong feeling in our Richmond branch I believe against admitting colored men and Ex-convicts into our union. . . .
Yours fraternally,
Josiah B. Dyer
NUS
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
34. J. B. HORNER TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, MAY 30, 1891
Richmond, Va.
Dear Sir:
. . . there are 20 white trades organized here & represented in the trades council of this city with 5 Colored labor & trades unions perhaps every trade that has a national body has a local union here, but there is 1/2 doz or more trades who have no national organization at all that might be organized under the A. F. of L. if the A. F. of L. had a live hand here to organize them. . . .
J. B. Horner
District org for C & L. Un
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
35. J. C. ROBERTS TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, NOVEMBER 8, 1891
American Federation of Labor
Nashville, Tenn.
My Dear Sir & Bro.
Enclosed please find (Eight Dollar) Postal order to pay for charter and outfit for Clarksville mixed union. Clarksville is a city of about 4000 population in which no trade union has ever been organized owing to the opposition of the employers, and the lethargy of the employees. When I first visited the place I found no sentiment in favor of a union. Mechanics were working for whatever they could get; and cutting each others throats at that, at the first meeting called I only succeeded in getting six who were willing to join. I put the organization off until the next night and spent the entire day visiting the workmen the next night I succeeded in organizing with 20 members at 50 ct each, and nothing for my expenses which were $7.35, so I have retained $2.00 out of your fees, not as a right but as a necessity. I am going back there to organize the colored men next week and will try to do better. Now Bro. Gompers I want you to send the new union a full outfit and charter, and if the 2.00 must be paid, charge it to me, and I will send it on as soon as I can, and please send me some more union literature for my own use. I have made a very successful break in Clarksville and shall capture the town for union labor. This is the third time the attempt has been made by our union men to organize the town, but I have won I think. Please attend to these matters at once and oblige yours Fraternally,
J. C. Roberts
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
36. J. C. ROBERTS TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, NOVEMBER 20, 1891
Office of General Organizer
Nashville, Tenn.
Dear Sir & Bro.:
Enclosed Please find Receipt for two Dollars, and Postal Order for Eight Dollars to pay for Charter & outfit for “Clarksville Colored Labor Union No——” organized Nov 19th 1891. I find that it is useless to attempt to organize Labor unions and have them pay anything for organization in this section. Where we live in the city with no expense attached except our time at night it is all right, but to pay out from 3 to 6 Dollars for R R fare, and nearly always remain two days to work up a union sentiment to organize a union, and collect anything for organization it is out of the question. . . .
Please send charter or this new union to the Secy with the outfit, as I have installed the officers, I cannot go back there for that purpose. . . .
J. C. Roberts
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
37. JAMES L. BARRIE TO CHRIS EVANS, DECEMBER 10, 1891
Western Central Labor Union13
Seattle, Wash.
Sec A. F. of L:
As the following Resolutions have been drawn up in a hurry, it is to be hoped that there will be no Hairsplitting as to their Meaning or Intention.
The Western Central has established such a Reading Room where the more intelligent of the workingmen by spending their Leisure, and Hours of enforced Idleness, there in acquainting themselves with all of the Alleged Solutions to the Labor Problem The major portion of the Patrons are the Transient Members of Organizations, otherwise called Tramps and to this class, Organized Labor is indebted for its Foothold West of the Missouri River, also in every Remote Section.
It is therefore to be hoped that the American Federation of Labor will see the Importance of such a Step, and issue Recommendation to all Central Bodies for the Establishment of such Institutions. . . .
Yours in Union,
James L. Barrie, Sec W.C.L.U.
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
38. WESTERN CENTRAL LABOR UNION SEATTLE, WASH. DEC. 10TH 1891
The Officers and Representatives of the American Federation of Labor in Convention Assembled
The Western Central Labor Union of Seattle Washington ask your consideration of the following Resolutions
Whereas, The Division that exists in the Ranks of Organized Labor throughout this country is something to be deplored and a Remedy is needed, that will Educate and bring about a Unity of Action
Whereas, Race Prejudice, The Personal Differences of Labor Leaders and the Sturbborn Opposition of Bigotry of Each Faction claiming to have the sure Solution of the Problem of Labor, Prevents any concessions for the good of the Cause, and encourages a tendency to further divide the Ranks & File
Therefore be it Resolved that it is the sense of the Western Central Labor Union, that the A F of Labor could materially enhance the Cause of Labor, by Recommending to the various Central Labor Organizations throughout the Country, The Establishment of a Labor Headquarters in their Respective Localities, connected with which should be a Non Political and No Sectarian Free Reading Room for the purpose of giving the Wage Worker an opportunity to Educate himself on the Benefits and Necessity of Labor Organizations, and acquaint himself with existing Laws and Conditions,
Resolved, That the necessity of such a movement is keenly felt by organizations engaged in the formation of good for their Members in this Western Country, and to this end, and also to the end that Race Prejudice among the working classes may be checked, The Western Central Labor Union strongly favors the Proposition of the American Federation of Labor taking the Matter in hand and upon the various Central Labor Bodies the adoption of the above or a similar Plan—
Resolutions Committee W C L U
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
39. JEROME JONES TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, DECEMBER 15, 1891
Nashville, Tenn.
Dear Sir and Bro:
Last night I organized the colored barbers of this city, and unless I receive instructions from you to the contrary, will place them under A. F. of L. They are differently situated from the whites whom I placed under the national head, in that they work under the per centage system, which they can’t change immediately. I am informed all members under the national head must adopt the wage system. The white barbers here seem to accept my idea, that is to place the colored men under the A F of L until they become sufficiently strong to demand wages and then to secure a charter from the national head.
Every union is on a solid foundation here, and we are preparing to build a temple. Could you not stop here on your return, I think you would be pleased with the condition of affairs.
Jerome Jones, General Organizer
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
40. SAMUEL GOMPERS TO R. T. COLES, APRIL 28, 1891
The sentiment of organized labor of the country is decidedly in favor of maintaining and encouraging the equality between colored and white laborers, so much so that at the last convention of a national union of machinists which is particularly located in the South and which prohibited colored machinists from becoming members, the Federation resolved to call for a convention of all machinists’ unions for the purpose of forming a national union which shall recognize no color line.
Samuel Gompers Letter-Books, Library of Congress.
41. CHARLES P. OVERGARD TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, MARCH 23, 1892
Temple Bell, Colored Texas Union
No. 5618 (Federal Labor Union)
Dear Sir & Brother:
As one of our Brothers in good standing is going down on the S.P. Railroad and through San Antonio and other towns in Texas, I wish you would invest him with the power of Organizing Lodges of the American Federation of Labor. I understand the Organization is not very strong in the State of Texas. As this Organization has undertaken to better the welfare of the working classes. We can not do any better than have this Order as well represented as possible, and especialy in the South. As the labouring class there has got a very strong competition in the Negroes, and as I write to you, I can not pass by but make a remarke on this question, for here in the Santa Fe Railroad shops where I myself am working as a Trick Repr I can not but observe that the Officials of the Road prefer Negroes as laborers instead of White men here in these shops they employ about thirty negroes, and that number is increasing while the number of White Labours is decreasing, and during the month of Feb last they discharged to my knowledge thirty White Labourerrs when they did not disccharge a single Negro, and here in the yard they employ about twelve men as Section hands; and on the 19th of this month they discharged them all in preference of Negroes, work is scarce here during Winter, and they that have Families to support have a hard time to get the Nessaries of life. I dont think that any of us bear any malice or hate against any race or color of humanity But we can not let such proof as this go by without thinking that it is only a question of time that the White Labour will have to go to make room for Negroes. And therefore I ask you as Our Grand Leader, to give us advice in this matter.
Yours truly,
Charles P. Overgard
Secretary
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
42. CHARLES OVERGARD TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, APRIL 7, 1892
Temple, Texas
Dear Sir & Brother:
Received your letter and contents noted. These and the Commission as Organizer to C. C. Tabor, I am very much obliged to you for your advice in regard to the Negroes. Reading the Globe Democrat of April 1st I see an account of the strike on the Mississipi River! and the question has arisen about organizing the Negroes. Please give us your opinion on the subject as that is a very difficult question to decide and an important one. In regard to convict Labour I am very much interested as I don’t think the way it now stands the honest Labourer is not treated right neither are the Convicts. If it would be of any importance to you, I would in my next Letter state the Laws of Norway regarding the Treatment of Convicts, as in that Country they are better off after they leave the Penitentiary in the way of making an honest living than they was before Conviction. . . .
Charles Overgard,
Secretary
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
43. C. C. TABER TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, APRIL 24, 1892
Temple, Texas
Dear Sir:
In the Labor question I wish I could organize all of the unorganized Labor in Texas this sumer at all shops but as I have to Work Ever Day to Live unless I can get a smal Salry Or fee I am afraid I will not Be able to doo as much as I wish. Now about organizing the Negroes of the South I Beg Leave to Tell you about it If you Organize them they will compeet With the White Labor So Strong they will Bee Compelled to give up the Shopes as they will Stand mutch more a buse than the Whites the Negroes in the South are not Like those in the North and Texas a speshially Hoping you will not Take no Exception to it, I will Do all In My Power in the Field of White Labor.
Respectfully C.C. Taber, Organizer
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
44. CHARLES OVERGARD TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, MAY 4, 1892
Temple, Texas
Dear Sir & Bro:
I received your Letter and noted its contents. In regard to Organizing Negroes we meet with much opposition from other Labour Organizations, that we are afraid to make any attempt, some of our best Members are opposed to their Organization, and the question will most assuredly separate us, and that would be our ruin. I am myself in favor of Organizing the Negroes, but as the question is now regarded, we can not do anything. The White mans attitude toward the Negroes here in the South is quite different from that of the North and at present I think it would be best to be a little cautious about Organizing them in Texas as that will in a measure put a stop to White Labour Organization. . . .
I am glad to report, that our branch of the American Federation of Labor are more firm in their belief to day, than when we first Organized that it is the best Organization for the Working Classes, and that is due to the numerous pamphlets you sent us, and which I distributed among our members to read.
Fraternally yours,
Charles Overgard,
Secretary
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
45. C. C. TABER TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, MAY 31, 1892
Temple, Texas
Dear Sir & Brother:
Yours to Hand Thanking you Much for your In formation In Regard to Negro Labor Must be Something Done In the South. to Day in the G.C.T. S.F. Railroad Shop a White man Washing Boilers was Diss Charged with a Verry Little Case and a Negro put in. The White man was Sertainly a hard working man and married.
The G C & S F RR Y C. Has got a bout 3 or 4 Hundred Convicts tearing up Track Between Temple & Galveston Texas and the good honest men out of work. And if Imigration dont Stop coming to the U.S.A. with out capital the Wage Workers will see a more Poverty Stricken Time.
I beg to remain your C. C. Taber
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
46. P. J. MCGUIRE TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, OCTOBER 24, 1892
United Brotherhood of Carpenters
& Joiners of America
Philadelphia, Pa.
Dear Sir and Friend:—Herein find a letter from Austin, Texas, from one of our members. I wish you would peruse it and answer him. I have written him a short note. It is my decided opinion it is unwise for Mr. Amstead to precipitate any race disputes in the Labor movement in Austin, Texas. Such discussions simply subordinate the greater issue of the Labor question, and lead to no good results. . . .
Yours,
P. J. McGuire14
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
47. SAMUEL GOMPERS TO J. GEGGIE, GENERAL ORGANIZER, OCTOBER 27, 1892
New York
Dear Sir & Bro:
I have read the contents of your letter very carefully, and I am free to say that I regret very much that Mr. Amstead should do anything to arouse race prejudice as well as practically subordinate the labor movement to the color question. You may rest assured I shall urge upon him not only the advisability but the necessity of acting practically in dealing with the organization of colored wage-workers. Their full recognition in social as well as economic equality is a matter of cultivation, development, and I doubt that it can be forced to an earlier solution than the natural trend will warrant. All attempts to prematurely bring this about will only result in defeat and disaster to all concerned.
Samuel Gompers
Samuel Gompers Letter-Books, Library of Congress.
48. E. M. MCGRUDER, GENERAL ORGANIZER, TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, MARCH 20, 1893
Paducah, Ky.
Dear Sir & Bro:
The Trades Council of this city having unanimously endorsed my appointment as organizer. I herewith notify you of my acceptance I shall devote all the time I possibly can to the office.
I wish you would advise me up on a few points viz. Mr. Hurst some time ago organized a colored Barbers union in this city. And later on a Trades Council in the preliminary meetings of the council I made a bold stand against the drawing of the color line, and wanted the negro’s represented of course this met with opposition, later on I was called a way to what was supposed to be the death bed of my mother, and was out of town for ten days or two weeks. When I came home Mr St came to with the papers allready except my signature which he got. Well in due time the charter came. you can judge of my surprise when in obligating the delegates M H omitted and surprised the word color in the obligation. I asked him afterwards by what authority he had done so? he answered by authority vested in him, that d—m it there was a race war existing here and he had the authority to do so. now what I want to know is the negro’s want to be admitted to the council is it my business to force them in? and if so how is it to be done under the circumstances?
Further the cigar makers having made it a finable offence to pattronize a non union barber, and several organizations having followed suit, the white barbers began to clamor for a union but they wanted a separate charter which the negroes objected to, Mr H then threatened the colored Pres that he Hurs would revoke their charter but the negro was too sharp for him for he already had a letter from Mr Meyers their Intl Pres. Now the colored barbers want me to force the non union barbers in under their charter. although they have an organizer they are looking to me to do this. And I do not feel it to be my duty. As I understand it my duty is to organize union when none now exist, and not to do the work of the organizers of various local unions. is this the correct view of the case?
Now on the other hand the white barbers are expecting the Trades Council through me to have the Charter of the colored barbers revoked because they the union have several boss barbers in the union and in office. I objected to the council considering the matter, and I believe I am here to build up and not tear down nor have I or the Council any jurisdiction over barbers union #96. if they are violating their constitution that is for their Int’l union to look out for and not us, is not my possition the correct one?
I wish you would send me one of the souvenirs published for the 12th convention also a list of ‘boycotted’ good that have been endorsed by the A F of L. together with a list of affilliated unions.
With best wishes for the cause I am yours Fratt
E. M. McGruder
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
49. SAMUEL GOMPERS TO E. M. MCGRUDER, GENERAL ORGANIZER, APRIL 3, 1893
McGruder, Paducah, Ky.
Dear Bro:
I am not in a position to state the best means to solve the question of the white and colored barbers. I believe however, that you should write to Mr. J. C. Meyers, Prest. Barbers Intnl. Union Box 448, St. Paul, Minn. Lay the subject clearly before him and ask him whether it would not be advisable under the circumstances, to allow two charters, one for the white and another for the colored barbers union.
Fraternally yours,
Samuel Gompers,
President, A. F. of L.
Samuel Gompers Letter-Books, Library of Congress.
50. JOHN F. O’SULLIVAN TO AUGUSTINE MCCRAITH, JUNE 18, 1895
American Federation of Labor
Office of General Organizer
Daily Globe Office
Boston, Mass.
Aug. McCraith, Secretary15
Dear Sir and Bro: One of my acquaintances in this city is interested in the manufacture of tobacco in Richmond, and he agrees with me that his factory ought to be organized. Whether from a business standpoint or not I do not care, but I think if he is willing to make the shop union we ought to be.
He employs most all negroes in the factory and came to see me to know if it would make any difference as to the shop becoming unionized on that account. I gave the usual reply and he feels satisfied to go ahead but he must try to bring a pressure on his brother who is also interested in the factory.
Wouldn’t it be well to get into communication with the officers of the Tobacco workers Nat. union to see what steps they would advise to organize the factory. The factory is in Richmond Va and the firm is Edel Tobacco Co.
I think that if some one was sent there they might be able to get a partial, at least, sanction from the firm to unionize the factory.
Of course, some one who is familiar with the color question and the environments in Va. ought to be able to do the job right, and if any inexperienced person was sent there he might slobber over the mob and queer us I would like to go as I think I could get free transportation through the paper, or if I could get one of the boys on the paper in the adv. department to work a pass for me.
But I don’t think I would have the time to go, as they are getting out a souvenir for Labor day, and it is one of the worst jobs I ever struck.
However, no matter about the going just now, so long as the officers of the Nat union of Tobacco workers are notified. They may be able to get us out of any fear as to the results of sending a man down there.
I am told there are about 300 men and women employed in the factory, black and white, and as the white and black don’t associate, it will be seen at a glance that the man who does the job must be something of a diplomat.
If any one is sent the officers of Union 62 cigar makers should be consulted, as they being right on the spot, would have a better knowledge of the situation than any of us.
I am also informed that unionism might receive a big boom in other lines if the tobacco workers union was a success.
My friend Edel seems to be struck on knocking out the color line, and thinks that trade unionism can do more than anything else to accomplish that result.
I don’t know what he will think if the workers in his factory look for an advance in wages, but I hope that a raise of wages will be sought for as soon as it is possible after organization.
Attend to this as soon as you can, Thanks for promptness in sending hoisting engineers charter.
Yours with very best wishes,
John F. O’Sullivan
General Organizer
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
51. JOHN F. O’SULLIVAN TO AUGUSTINE MCCRAITH, JULY 6, 1895
Daily Globe Office
Boston, Mass.
Dear Gus:
Yours is just at hand and contents noted I am informed that the white hands, the males, are bosses, hence the color question will not enter into the matter of the organization of the men.
I think, however, that the firm employs a few white women occasionally and a number of colored women regularly and the rub will come there.
It is a great plan if it can be worked and we can give the firm the Razzle anytime they do not do the right thing by the workers.
I talked label to my friend untill he is carried away with the scheme, and cited some notable boycotting cases just to let him know how powerful organized labor is.16
I have no doubt that the other members of the firm are not so easily convinced of the advantages of running a strictly union plant, but would like to tackle them on it. . . .
The machinists of this city, affiliated with I M U 28 are up in arms here over the granting of a charter to the I HM without the knowledge or consent of the I M U What shall I tell them John McBride wrote and told them it was so that a charter had been issued, and they are asking how it was that dual organizations are recognized.17
When you write please tell me about it.
The plan of referring the matter of the organization of the tobacco workers of the Edel co to the Trades Council is all right, as they would be the best ones to know how to act in the premises, provided they are furnished with the facts in the case.
The thought of these people going in to the K of L as a result of my efforts gives me a chill.
Holy Moses: What a narrow escape: Foster publishes the Debs Resolutions in this weeks paper.
Yours, etc.
O’Sullivan
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
52. SAMUEL GOMPERS AND GEORGE L. NORTON, FIRST BLACK ORGANIZER FOR THE A.F. OF L.: CORRESPONDENCE, 1891–1894
A. S. LEITCH, GENERAL ORGANIZER, TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, JUNE 8, 1891
St. Louis, Mo.
Samuel Gompers, Pres. A. F. of L.:
. . . Mr. Geo. L. Norton, Sec. Marine Fireman # 5464, desires me to answer the letter you addressed to him, as he is too busy. The membership of #5464 is 140 members in good standing. They have won all demands for wages so far without recourse to strike and with but little trouble. They are working harmoniously with the other trades here especially the Electric Wiremen and Linemen’s Union, whom they can materially assist as firemen at the electric plants.
A telegram received here from Vicksburg, Miss., and a letter from Memphis, Tenn. requesting an organizer for those ports immediately; men ready to organize firemen’s unions. As Mr. Norton is well acquainted along the river, I gave him a letter to represent me at those places, and three black applications. He states he will leave for Vicksburg to-night. The men there are to pay his expenses.
Fraternally,
A. S. Leitch
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
53. A. S. LEITCH TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, JUNE 30, 1891
St. Louis, Mo.
Dr Sir:
Inclosed application for charter and charter outfit, and $10 for same for Marine Firemen of Memphis, Tenn. (colored) given in through Mr. Geo. L. Norton of No. 5464 of this city. Forward the charter and outfit to this office; also the charter and outfit of the Vicksburg Marine Firemen’s Union, if the same has not yet been forwarded. . . .
I would suggest that Mr. Geo. L. Norton be given a commission either as Asst. Organizer here, or Gen’l Organizer for the Mississippi, Missouri and Ohio River ports. . . .
Yours Fraternally,
A. S. Leitch, Gen;l Organizer,
St. Louis
P.S. Attempts were made in Memphis and Vicksburg by K. of L.’s to “pack” the meetings and stop organization into Federation. Mr. Norton was too well posted on trade union matters, however.
A. S. L.
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
54. GEORGE NORTON TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, JULY 10, 1891
St. Louis, Mo.
Dear Sir & Bro.
You must excuse my delay in writing to you, for I have been so busy, that I could not write, but I asked Mr. Leitch to write for me. I have been working hard for the fraternity since the first day of April. I have about (150) members in No. 1, and No. 2 and 3 are getting along finely and I think that New Orleans will be in line before long. My trip to Memphis and Vicksburg was all that I could wish for, and I only hope that I may be as successful elsewhere. I have got a good many men, known as deckhands on steamers, that will, I think be ready to send for its charter before long. I don’t intend to stop as long as there is anything organized. I will get them together and Mr. Leitch or myself will try and keep them there. No more at present.
Hoping to hear from you soon, I am,
Fraternally Yours,
Geo. L. Norton,
F. Secy.
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
55. A. S. LEITCH TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, JULY 15, 1891
St. Louis, Mo.
Saml Gompers, Pres. A. F. of L.
Dr Sir:
The application forwarded by me from Hod-Carriers’ of East St. Louis, is for a Charter for colored hod-carriers. Mr. Klinger is Secretary of the white hod-carriers, from which organization the colored are practically barred. In matter of wages, etc. the colored men are working well with the other trades. The men who make this application were organized before the white hod-carriers there, and made application for a charter to you (through irresponsible parties), but never received it. I am of the opinion that if, as the case has been presented to me, the white hod-carriers of East St. Louis do not desire to initiate colored men in their union, on account of color, then the Federation would be justified in issuing colored men a charter, with fair understanding that the two unions must work harmoniously in the matter of wages, hours, etc. I remain
Yours Fraternally,
A. S. Leitch, Gen’l. Organizer
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
56. GEORGE L. NORTON TO CHRIS EVANS, SECRETARY, OCTOBER 23, 1891
St. Louis, Mo.
Dear Sir & Bro:
Your notice has Been Received & noted, & as to the arrears of No 5464, We will pay at once But permit me to assure you that I Did not know anything about this or I would have paid it as I have the Trades & Labor Dues of this City. I have allways kept them up Perfectly & here after will Endeavor to Do the Same By the A. F. of L. & Received 5 Doz pins & will settle for them soon. You ask the address is #3 North Levee St. St. Louis, Mo anything addressed will be ok.
Except the Best wishes
Fraternally,
Geo. L. Norton,
Gen. Orgnzr.
P.S. Please send organizers note papers as we are out entirely.
G. L. N.
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
57. G. L. NORTON TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, JANUARY 28, 1892
Dear sir & Bro:
Charter & Manuels Recd & officers Installed today & Everything is working very strong in favor of the A. F. of L. But since the Engineers has organized the white Firemans of this city wants to organized & Get a charter under the A. F. of L. But they have Been fighting us all the time untill they have nothing to fight with & now they want to join the Federation, & I told them they could come in with us if they wished to But they think they can get a charter from you. But I hope you will not grant it from any Body untill you here from No 7 of St. Louis. Leitch wrote the application for them But I will not sign it as there has Been trouble with Firemans here all the time when the Colored Fireman ask for wages the white men goes to work for what they Refuse & that is the way they have been Doing all the time.
Tell me what you think about it in you answer & Reply as soon as possible. Except the Best wishes
Fraternally yrs,
G. L. Norton
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
58. LIVING WAGES
Yesterday several thousands of strikers, Negroes and white, paraded. Numerous banners were carried by the men on parade these being among them: “Equal Rights for all!” “Fair Wages and Union Men only!” “Monopoly caused this Strike!” “We want Living Wages!”, etc. After parading the principal downtown streets and visiting the Levee, the men went to Union Hall, on Christy Avenue, where they were addressed for nearly two hours by labor agitators, white and colored.
St. Louis Globe Democrat, April 5, 1892.
59. STRIKE OF ST. LOUIS NEGRO LONGSHOREMEN, 1892
The threatened river strike is on, and over 2,000 Afro-American laborers are idle on the levee. Four steamers arrived last Wednesday night and were unable to land their cargoes. A number of boats are lying at their docks waiting to be loaded, but are unable to get a pound of freight carried on board. The cause of the strike is a demand by the marine firemen that the union scale of wages be paid and none but union men be employed on the boats. This was refused by the owners, and a tie-up of the river traffic is the consequence. The marine firemen struck work Thursday morning of last week and were followed by the members of the Longshoremen and roustabouts unions. The men are quiet and orderly, and no serious trouble is anticipated. They are firm in their demands, however, and say the company must accede to their terms. As the men on strike are all Afro-Americans, thoroughly organized, and members of the Federation of Labor, it is believed they will force the company to accept their requests. The general opinion among river men is that the strike will last but a few days.
Cleveland Gazette, April 9, 1892.
60. SAMUEL GOMPERS TO GEORGE L. NORTON, APRIL 13, 1892
New York
Dear Sir and Brother:
I am in receipt of a clipping from the “Post Dispatch” of Thursday March 31st. which gave an account of the strike of the Marine Engineers and Longshoremen of your city, but I find that one of the most important features has been clipped out of the centre of it. Will you kindly forward me a copy of the paper of that date for my information, as well as to give me any other account of it which you can and oblige.
The men engaged in this contest have demonstrated in the plainest possible manner that the time has come when our colored brothers of labor recognize that their interests are absolutely identical with those of their white brothers, that the docility of slavery has passed, that the spirit of freedom, independence and emancipation is dawning, and the progress for the improvement and final emancipation of the wage worker will be contested by the white and black laborer shoulder to shoulder.
Trusting that success may crown your every effort and asking you to convey my kindest wishes to our fellow toilers, I am,
Fraternally yours,
Sam’l Gompers, President,
American Federation of Labor.
Samuel Gompers Letter-Books, Library of Congress.
61. GEORGE L. NORTON TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, APRIL 28, 1892
St. Louis, Mo.
Dear Sir & Bro:
I Read yours today & in Reply permit me to say that Mr. Crump wrongly Informed you about the Boycott placed on those companys that is Being opperated at the port of St. Louis, We never ask any of those men to help us we ask the shippers & farmers alliance & Friends to organized Labor to help us in our strike, for the anchor Line steamers is the only packet Line in this city that Recognizes union Labor. The Rest take who they can get & I must say that our Boycott is felt for the scab Boats is not Doing any thing Like a paying Business & they Look very sad about the matter & they also say if things are not settled Before Long they will have to Sign & I think the next time Mr Crump writes he ought to find something to write about for the Lines we have the Boycott on are only Local packets & ply in the vicinity of St Louis, they also speak about cutting wages Down to the old Rates But I Dont think it will go for the Boys are getting very strong & when there is any thing that is worth knowing I will Certainly write to you about it, I think you must have Enough to be troubled with without Being annoyed with such Trash as Mr Crump has to write. I hope you will not think hard of this writing & you will please Let me know about the Longshoremen of Cairo, Ills I was there & Enstalled the Engineers & spoke to a Large crowd of Laborer & I think they will Be in Line Before Long, the President from Memphis union of Marine Firemen was here today & he says that Something has to be Done Down there for there is a good many men there that can Be Brought in Line. I hope the Council will Do something for those people, with this I will close hoping to here from you soon.
Except the Best wishes of mine I Remain as Ever
Fraternally,
G. L. Norton
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
62. GEORGE L. NORTON TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, APRIL 28, 1892
St. Louis, Mo.
Dear Sir & Bro:
My trip to Memphis and Vicksburg was all that I could wish for, and I only hope that I may be as successful elsewhere. I have got a good many men, known as deckhands on steamers, that will, I think be ready to send for its charter before long. I don’t intend to stop as long as there is anything organized.
Fraternally,
George L. Norton
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
63. SAMUEL GOMPERS TO GEORGE L. NORTON, MAY 3, 1892
New York
Dear Brother:
Convey to our brothers that you may meet and those whom you may convert to become brothers in this grand American Federation of Labor my earnest sentiments that they should bear in mind that there is only one way in which they can hope to attain improvements in their condition to realize that freedom which has been promised to them to secure these comforts of home and independence of manhood and citizenship—through organization.
Fraternally yours,
Samuel Gompers, President
American Federation of Labor
Samuel Gompers Letter-Books, Library of Congress.
64. ALBERT E. KING TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, MAY 7, 1892
St. Louis, Mo.
Samuel Gompers,
Pres. A. F. L.
Dear Sir & Bro:
i taking the Obligation of writen you this Letter to Notify you How the A. F. L. is Respected by the Inland Seamen Port U No 7 in this City the Dock Hands & Watchmans Union Send 6 Men White to Work on the Excersion Steamer War Eagle at the Rate of 1.75 $ per Day to 20 C Per Hour Over time Well they Worked One Week till Capt Thoronleagon Notified officers of the War Eagle that they Wer Hireing Union inland Seaman at 1.75 Per day from 7 a.m. till 11 & 12 at Night With No Over time so They Made a Cut on the White Dock Hands to 1.75 Per Day Fore 17 & 18 Hours Work about 9-1/2 or 10 c per Hour the White Men walked of the Boat & union Black Men took thare Places With Out Change in Wages i ask Prsident Geo Cox of inland S. U. if He War Doing Right & told me he Could Not Help it the Men Wer Satified & Would not Call them of the Boats i then told Him He Was taking Bad Steps to Let them Men Go to Work in Other Union Men Places Now the Way things Look in this City the White Unions are Sitting on the Bumpers of the Last Car and the Black Unions are Runing Train thir Kinds of Work Will Brake up Eny Union these Excersion Boats Grand Republic Paul Tulane War Eagle to Carrey Nothing But Union Men to Pay Union Wages Now this is the Results
Well Prest Bro Hoping you will investegate this Matter at an Early Date and Oblige Albert E. King Representative of D D.W. Prt Un and Sec Marine Firemen Union No 5626. Hopin to Here From You Soon.
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
65. JOHN M. CALLAGHAN TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, MAY 10, 1892
New Orleans, La.
Dear Sir & Bro:
You would oblige me by informing me if I am the only organizer for the Federation in New Orleans. I hear of some others who claim to be organizers and neglect to properly attend to business.
I will organize a Union of Marine Firemen in a few days and they had their applications in to a man named Lewis and he failed to properly attend. They also told me of a man named Norton of St. Louis, Mo. who is on his way to organize a Union of Engineers.
Also I would wish to know if members of our Union are allowed to visit other Unions and members of other Unions to visit our Union while in session. . . .
By answering at an early date you will greatly oblige me and put me in a better condition to transact my duties as organizer.
Yours etc.
John M. Callaghan
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
66. JOHN M. CALLAGHAN TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, MAY 15, 1892
New Orleans, La.
Dear Sir & Brother:
Yours of May 6th received a few days since, would have waited a few days before writing if things did not take the shape they are in at present.
I suppose Bro Ed J. Donigan of 5490 has notified of the advent of Bro Norton a National organizer in our-midst and the commotion created thereby.
I have had an interview with Bro Norton. He denied point blank all the rumors credited to him.
I think to say the least of it, it is treating a local organizer rather shabby to order an organizer from another part of the country in his jurisdiction without notifying him of the fact. When Bro Norton arrived in town he made no effort to find me or give me any intimation that he was in town. After being notified that I was an organizer and duly commissioned as such he having been told by one of the Charter members of the Firemen’s Union, a Union I have in course of organization, having application for a charter, he told him that he knew nothing of me and that probably I was not authorized to organize any unions and that he knew nothing of the Union of which I am a member and that they may be working without authority. It caused a great deal of doubt in the minds of the members as to my reliability and authority to act.
In the course of the interview with Bro Norton he told me that the Union of Firemen at present in the city he thought was sufficient. Well, that Union is composed exclusively of colored men and the Union that applied to me for assistance is composed exclusively of white men. It would be almost impossible for them to commingle in one Union. They can and will get along alright at work and in committees from each union can meet and confer thereby work in harmony. If they are in one Union under one set of officers and in one meeting room they will never get along and would in a very short while disband and form different unions and work in direct conflict. In order to prevent such a course I would recommend that they be granted a charter even though the present Union object. Mr. Norton may in his wisdom think different but Mr Norton I am sure lacks the experience in labor Unions their formation and government etc. possessed by me and learned from experience extending back for 12 years quite a length of time even you will confess for a man not yet 30 years of age.
The Car Drivers #5490 is the 29th labor union with which I have materially assisted in developing and forming.
Were it not for Labor Unions I would not have a neat sum of money on hand and a bright outlook for my old age. As it is now I have hardly “a dollar to jingle on a tombstone.” Ever since I was 16 years old I have earned from $1000 to $1600. per year, a nice income you would think for a single man without any expensive or vicious habits.
I hope you will have sufficient confidence in my judgment to grant the Firemen a charter.
Bro Norton had an engagement with me to meet me yesterday. He told me he was sent down here by you on a mission that he would tell roe about when he would see me again. He failed to keep his appointment and he gave me no address. I am utterly in the dark as to what mission he was sent here on, and have no means of finding out. If he wishes to treat me in such careless and indifferent manner I cannot promise him a heartly support in his undertaking.
I am offended somewhat in the manner in which I have been treated in sending an organizer in my territory without either myself or my union being notified of the fact. It may be the custom but for my part I think it poor policy. . . .
I am at present engaged in trying to organize into Unions of the American Federation two labor associations one of them has a membership of six hundred or over and have nearly twenty-thousand dollars in their treasury. The other in a new organization of about 75 members. I will however refrain from acting until I hear from you, perhaps you would prefer having Mr Norton to organize them. I am pretty sure that if he attempted to organize one of them and told the members he superseded me he would get hung, still I offer no objection nor try in any way to prevent him. I will give him the names and locations of the assns if he wishes.
Hoping for an early and satisfactory answer I remain Fraternally Yours etc. John M. Callaghan.
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
67. SAMUEL GOMPERS TO GEORGE L. NORTON, MAY 16, 1892
Mr. Geo. L. Norton
General Organizer, A. F. of L.,
New Orleans, Louisiana
Dear Brother Norton:
It is necessary to address you upon a subject which is of an exceedingly delicate nature and one which probably it will hurt me more to speak of than you even to read, for you must be aware of the fact that so far as I am concerned I never have made distinction between the white and the black man in the matter of our identity of interests and the necessity of organizing and bringing them in one fold, but you are no doubt aware of the feeling and race prejudices existing in the South and that it will take some time before it can be abated.
For that reason I would suggest that wherever there are white laborers who have any objection to your organizing them, then leave them to the efforts of the organizers of their respective localitie. If I believed for a moment that the race prejudice would be overcome, I would certainly extend your authority to all, but I am satisfied that any other course than the one suggested would only intensify the feeling and bring about results opposite to that which we may desire and hope for.
Fraternally yours,
Samuel Gompers, President
American Federation of Labor
Samuel Gompers Letter-Books, Library of Congress
68. SAMUEL GOMPERS TO GEORGE L. NORTON, MAY 17, 1892
Dear Brother:
The race prejudice exists to such an extent that it seems that it were better under the circumstances, to give the white men and the colored men the opportunity of organizing separate unions rather than to have them not organize at all. It is only when men begin to organize that they also begin to realize that their interests are much more closely allied regardless of color, nationality, religious or other prejudices.
In any union which has sufficiently advanced in their conception of the identity of the interests of labor regardless of color, you are fully authorized to proceed, but in those cases where it would hurt yourself, the colored workmen, the white workmen as well as the general interests of the A. F. of L., I kindly suggest to you to be very discreet and allow our agitation and time to work the desired changes.
Fraternally yours,
Samuel Gompers, President
American Federation of Labor
Samuel Gompers Letter-Books, Library of Congress
69. SAMUEL GOMPERS TO JOHN M. CALLAGHAN, MAY 17, 1892
Mr. John M. Callaghan,
Gen’l Organizer, A. F. of L.
New Orleans, Louisiana
Dear Brother:
I would suggest that you cooperate with Norton for the attainment of our common purpose, namely, the organization of our fellow-workmen.
From what I learn there is considerable antagonism to him by reason of the fact that he is a colored man, and that the race prejudice plays considerable part in this matter, but I ask you to consider whether it is not advisable to make some effort in the direction indicated. There is no necessity to run counter to the social distinctions made but the wage workers ought to bear in mind that unless they help to organize the colored men, they will of necessity compete with the white workmen and be antagonistic to them and their interests. The employers will certainly take advantage of this condition and do all they can to even stimulate the race prejudice. In many cases where the race prejudice cannot be utilized, national or religious prejudices are harped upon or brought into play.
As a man whom I have every reason to believe you are, serious, earnest and honest in the desire to see our fellow wage-workers improve their condition, I ask you to examine into this question more closely to see whether I am not right. View it in a common sense manner. Start out the investigation with the old prejudices that you have heard from infancy, but study it in the light of the historical struggle of the people of all nations, and you will find that I am right.
Fraternally yours,
Samuel Gompers, President
American Federation of Labor
Samuel Gompers Letter-Books, Library of Congress.
70. SAMUEL GOMPERS TO JOHN M. CALLAGHAN, MAY 24, 1892
Mr. John M. Callaghan,
Gen’l. Organizer, A. F. of L.
New Orleans, Louisiana
Dear Brother:
. . . Geo. L. Norton, a Negro, has been appointed organizer. Being a colored man and a man of fair ability and sincere, we believed his influence among his own people would be greater than any other for the purposes of organization.
Fraternally yours,
Samuel Gompers, President
American Federation of Labor
Samuel Gompers Letter-Books, Library of Congress.
71. GEORGE L. NORTON TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, MAY 25, 1892
St. Louis, Mo.
Dear Sir:
I Read your Last Letter Before I Left New Orleans & I think Some one has misled you for I never went about any white Union Except the Engineers & Brewer & they sent for me & I went. I Did all that I could for what time I was there will Be about 3 unions Coming in that has a Large membership & could have Did more. But you seem to listen to those Hoodlums that is organizing for political purposes & it is well known By good men of that city & I kindly ask you to commission J. B. Baldwin president Marine Engineers & Z. T. Reno, who are good workers & Gentlemen Now in Regards to the white firemans the Engineers are the ones that object to too charters & not me. it has Been a failure in St. Louis & now the colored has all of the Boats. But the men think if they all met in one hall & had half white & half colored officers Like the Longshoremen has it would Be Better they have never won a strike or a point But we have to win for them & Engineers Both also we won our Demands By ourselves, the white men says they will send their charter Back if they Dont get more work. But there are some 15 or 20 of them will Come in to No. 7. they want to Come now But they have a charter & told them that 20 could hold it, I think they are all quiet down & will Do Better in future. You will find Enclosed the Expenses of the Trip which you can Do as think Best in the matter.
Railroad fare to & from New Orleans 30.00. Board & Room Rent for 14 Days 28.00 at 2.00 per Day, the incident Expence I never kept an acct. of, for I had to talk myself to Death almost & Treat & Do Everything Else to convert those people the total I Dont know & for that Reason I have no charge to make Do as you like. you will also find the Commission you issued me July last Enclosed. I Tender my Resignation this 25th Day of May ′92. & Beg to Extend My Best Wishes to you & the Council.
Fraternally,
G. L. Norton
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
72. JOHN M. CALLAGHAN TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, MAY 29, 1892
New Orleans, La.
Dear Sir & Bro:
Yours of May 24 duly received and carefully read. I am in hope that the ripple of Mr. Nortons arrival and stay in the city has caused no injury to the cause of labor. I am in receipt of inquiries from Engineers residing in Algiers as to whether I could organize a Union of Engineers then or no. Algiers is a suburb of New Orleans and is situated on the other side of the Miss. River. There is a Post office of their own. I told them I would make inquiries and find out. You may remember that Mr. Norton came down to organize and install the officers of the Marine Engineers No. 5669. By informing whether I could organize the other Union or no you would oblige me greatly by a speedy answer. . . .
J. M. Callaghan
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
73. SAMUEL GOMPERS TO GEORGE L. NORTON, JUNE 3, 1892
Mr. George L. Norton, Organizer
Dear Brother:
As an evidence of my confidence in you I reissue and extend your commission to June 1st, 1893.
Fraternally yours,
Samuel Gompers, President
American Federation of Labor
Samuel Gompers Letter-Books, Library of Congress.
74. JOHN M. CALLAGHAN TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, JUNE 5, 1892
New Orleans, La.
Dear Sir and Bro:
. . . There is one thing I would like very well to know is it usual to charge for services in organizing unions. I understand Bro. Norton done so when he organized Marine Engineers Protective Union 5669. . . . .
Fraternally yours etc.
John M. Callaghan
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
75. JOHN M. CALLAGHAN TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, JUNE 12, 1892
New Orleans, La.
Dear Sir & Bro:
Enclosed please find application of Journeymen Horse Shoers for certificate of affiliation.
The Union is composed of both white and black men. I am sure that in the course of a few months they will have by far the greater number of the men employed at that calling within the ranks of their Union. The Horse Shoers are pretty well divided as to color and at my request they made a nearly equal division of officers and as all the officers are the charter members I would wish you would have the 8 names placed on the charter.
Inclosed also find money order for charter and charter outfit. I would be greatly convenienced if you would have them down before the 27 inst as that is the day of the next meeting.
There is an energetic very intelligent colored man down here who is Financial Secretary of Longshoremens Assn. and who takes a great interest in the labor movement. He is not in any union connected with the Federation but I am sure if it is not against the rules to issue him a commission as an organizer he would render a good account of himself. He materially assists in organizing the horse shoers and I am pretty certain he could get several of the strong colored labor organizations to enlist under the Banner of the A. F. of L.
If not against the rules I wish you would forward him a commission.
He also was one of the arbitration committee for Car Drivers Union.
I find I have been giving his good qualities and have not given his name, his name is James E. Porter.18
Hoping to receive charter and outfit in time and if not against the rules to receive the commission of Jas. E. Porter.
I am as ever,
Fraternally yours,
John M. Callaghan,
Organizer
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
76. GEORGE L. NORTON TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, JUNE 19, 1892
St. Louis, Mo.
Dear Sir:
Matters pertaining to the trouble here have kept me so busy that I have not had time to write, and for several days past I have been ill, and am not now able to leave my bed.
The situation along the river front is very gloomy at present, and there is little likelihood of a settlement soon, judging by present appearances. The policemen are acting in the interest of the employers as usual. One of our men was shot on Wednesday night, and there have been several cutting affrays. The purpose of the boatowners is to force the men to abandon their unions, that they may be enabled more easily to force them back to low wages, long hours and that (practically) state of slavery on the river-boats which prevailed before the unions were organized. For new members the men have held out remarkably well, and it is to be hoped that they will stick and fight it out, as the only means of forcing a recognition of the unions.
Hoping to hear from you soon, and wishing to know whether there is any possibility of your coming here as it is understood that the Presidents of the Anchor and Valley lines would be willing to meet you, I remain,
G. L. Norton
General Organizer
P. S. Received Sec’y Evans’ letter, but have not been able to answer it.
G. L. N.
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
77. JOHN M. CALLAGHAN TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, JUNE 28, 1892
New Orleans, La.
Dear Sir & Bro:
Your communications to hand and carefully noted. Thanks for your good opinion and expressions of confidence in sending commission of Mr. Porter I have mapped out some work for him to do and I am sure he can do where I would most likely fail. . . .
I have been doing no work for a few weeks that is my regular work that I make a living at but I think I have been doing some work organizing workingmen in New Orleans and adding strength to those already organized. My money is nearly run out now so if you do not hear from me in organizing other unions just conclude I have gone to work and have to make a little money to support myself for a while. I have not charged any of the unions any thing yet that I have organized. . . .
I am as ever
J. M. Callaghan
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
78. JOHN M. CALLAGHAN TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, AUGUST 3, 1892
New Orleans, La.
Dear Sir & Bro:
. . . I am endeavoring to get a demonstration for Sept. 19 or there abouts, and all the unions I speak to about it seem favorably inclined. I hope you will not make any engagements for that time until I can go further and let you know I am about to go away for a few weeks and will also attend the convention in Indianapolis as a delegate, and as I expect it may put some unions about to organize to some trouble or inconveniences, I would wish you would appoint some one as organizer for the city. I can assure you that there is none better than Porter still I can assure you that the race question cuts quite a figure down here yet and as many white men would much sooner never belong to an organization than join one organized by a colored man I would much prefer that you would commission a white man and I know no one who would take greater pride in the work than Ed. J. Donegan of 89 Exchange Place.
I would like very well if possible to receive a commission as a National organizer like one held by Bro. Norton and might possibly be able to do something in my travels I wish you would give me the names of a few men connected with the A. F. of L. in St. Louis, Mo. as I might stop there for a week or so. . . .
I remain fraternally yours, etc.
John M. Callaghan
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
79. WILLIAM BRANNICK TO A. F. OF L. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, AUGUST 5, 1892
Marine Engineers’ Protective Union
No. 5622, A. F. of L.
St. Louis, Mo.
To the General Executive Committee of the A. F. of L.
Gentlemen:
We the members of Marine Engineers Assn. 5622 would Respt ask your assistance in our lockout as we were informed by President Gompers who is here at present that you were the proper parties to apply to about two months ago we were notafied by the Presidents of the Mississippi Vally transportation Co. and the Anchor Lines that we would have to withdraw from the Federation of Labor or get of the Boats which we did when this order was issued. the Fireman Inland Seaman and Longshoreman went out on a strike to assist us and after being out about six weeks decided to return to work as the companies were able to procure enough of scab Engineers to man the Boats
what I want to impress on your minds is that this order virtually shuts us out from working on any Boat in St Louis and appears that they have a special spite against the Marine Engineers as we were the only ones ordered to withdraw from the A. F. of L. and as a last resource we would Respt ask your Honerabal boddy to declare a boycott against the different Boats refusing us work. now what I would suggest is that you call of the differeant unions that are connected with steam Boating the Boiler Makers which I understand is a verry strong organisation would be of great assistance to us as theirs is more or less Boiler work to do on the boats every trip the Harbor Boats Pilots. could help us as the Tugs which the Pilot coals the Boats, the Longshoremen in New Orleans is another. As that would be of untold benefit to us as we unload the Boats in New Orleans. now there are various unions in this city which if called out could help us in our Lockout Hoping that you will give this due consideration at your earliest conveniance.
I remain yours verry Respt
William Brannick,
Sect of M. E. Assn. 5622
The Lines that we want the Boycott against are Anchor Line, the Miss Valley Line, the Eagle Packet Co. the Tennessee River and Diamond Joe Line.
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
80. JOHN M. CALLAGHAN TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, OCTOBER 26, 1892
New Orleans, La.
Dear Sir & Bro:
. . . We are confronted with the possibility of a lively time to-morrow. The Round freight Teamsters and Loaders, The Warehousemen & Packers, and the Scalesmens Union are out or rather will go out to-morrow for a claim for overtime. They all work now from 6:30 A.M. until any time after 6:00 P.M. and very often until 11 & 12 o’clock without either time for meals or extra pay. The Warehousemen want $2 per day. Their day to start at 7 o’clock and end at 6 o’clock with one hour for dinner and 25c per hour overtime 1 and 40 c for Sunday work. The Teamsters want $2.50 per day to start at 6 o’clock with one hour for dinner. Overtime the same as the Warehousemen. The Scalemen want the same pay per package during the busy season they receive in the dull time instead of as now. 1.50 per day. Their day starting at 7 o’clock and liable to last until 2 or 3 o’clock next morning.
As soon as the notices were served on the employers they got on their high horses and claimed they would not submit to be dictated to and they would not sign our countenance any such action on the part of their employees. They formed themselves into organizations and delegated committees to wait on the mayor to ask for police protection. They will not get it however unless the boys go out of bounds altogether. The fight may assume proportions that I may get interested in it and leave my work to attend to it. . . .
I know of no trade or calling that is not organized that is worth organizing or can be organized.
Some doctor friends of mine wanted to know if they could form a local and affiliate I told them yes before I wrote to you but when I found they contemplated raising their rates of attending members of organizations and their families from $2 and $5 as they are now charging to $15 and $18 and claim as they were connected with us in a labor organization and all the labor organizations have regular physicians, I told them it would cost them for my fee $500 and I would not support them in their demands. I have heard no more from them. . . .
I remain as ever,
John M. Callaghan
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
81. SAMUEL GOMPERS TO GEORGE L.NORTON, FEBRUARY 7, 1893
Mr. Geo. L. Norton,
Sec. Marine Firemen’s Pro. Union
5464 A. F. of L.
St. Louis, Mo.
Dear Sir & Brother:
You say there is some talk of the color line being drawn in the American Federation of Labor, and I state to you that that is an utter untruth immaterial by whom circulated. I never heard the subject mooted by any one & our record has been made up upon that subject. There are positively two National trade unions which we could get simply by asking them, but we refuse them admission only because they draw the color line.
The suspicion is unjust to the men who have incurred hostility because they dared to speak for the equal Rights of the black and white men and their equal recognition in the organization of labor.
I am surprised that you should even for a moment harbor the thought that such a feeling prevails. At our convention not even one vote could be mustered to draw the color line. With you and all sincere men I condemn the attempts on the part of certain people who are in our movement simply to advance their own personal, financial & political interests.
It becomes our duty to do all that we possibly can to help the honest men to maintain the purity of our organizations & movement.
Fraternally yours,
Samuel Gompers, President
American Federation of Labor
Samuel Gompers Letter-Books, Library of Congress.
82. GEORGE L. NORTON TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, JULY 13, 1893
St. Louis, Mo.
Dear Sir & Bro:
Yours Recd & in Reply will say that I have Been out of town for some time which accounts for my Delay. In Regards to Marine Fireman #6 of St. Louis their statement is without any foundation whatever. We have trouble with the Valley Line Boats because they will not pay our scale of wages & there is none of our men on them except a few Deserters or scabs. There are some from the ports that we have nothing to Do with & cannot help it. We have Been friendly with No. 6 all along & I Dont know what they are kicking about Except it is the Excursion Boats & the Managers of those Boats Did not want them because they ware to Fresh with the Ladies on said Boats & they prefered colored Firemen I think they are Like the Rest of the River unions & have Lost the Balance hoping to here from you soon & often I am as Fraternally
yrs,
G. L. Norton
A. F. of L. Archives, Correspondence.
83. GEORGE L. NORTON TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, FEBRUARY 7, 1894
St. Louis, Mo.
Dear sir:
I write to Inform you that the Marine Firemen #1 of St. Louis Mo coming to the Front again We have 70 members now I think we will Be all Right soon. The Low water for 6 months & the Boys have not had any work & we have Been down to 3. But I am working hard to get the union up again, & I think I will soon have them in good standing in the A. F. of L. you will please send me one copy of the proceeding of the convention held in Chicago also the Current P.W. for this year Do this & much oblige.
Hoping to here from you soon Except the Best wishes.
I am as Ever
Fraternally
G. L. Norton
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
THE A. F. OF L., THE MACHINISTS’ UNION, AND THE BLACK WORKER
84. CALL
FOR A
NATIONAL CONVENTION
of
MACHINISTS, BLACKSMITHS AND HELPERS
To Machinists, Blacksmiths and Helpers wherever found.
Brothers:—Recognizing the urgent need of a national organization of the workers employed in the manufacture of tools and machinery, we issued in January last a call to all local organizations of our trade asking them to join with us in the formation of a national body. In reply to said call we received from 17 unions assurances of their readiness to join a national organization while others, declaring themselves in sympathy with the movement, promised to take action after the plan should have taken more definite shape.
The number and tone of the replies received show a strong and wide spread feeling among machinists that the time is ripe for consolidating the workers of our trade in a compact national organization built upon the principles of progressive trade unionism.
To effect such consolidation we invite all machinists’ organizations to send delegates to a
NATIONAL CONVENTION
to convene at 85 East 4th Street
NEW YORK CITY
on Monday June 22, 1891,
at 9 o’clock A.M.
Organizations are requested to notify the undersigned committee of their action on or before June 15, 1891.
Dated, NEW YORK, April 25, 1891.
The Organization Committee of the United Machinists of New York & Brooklyn.
A. Waldinger, Secretary Committee
221 Broom St., New York.
85. HARRY E. ASTON TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, APRIL 20, 1891
National Association of Machinists
Deputy Grand Lodge No. 1
Omaha, Nebraska
Dear Sir:
As I was a Delegate to the 3rd Annl Session of Grand Lodge N A M held in Louisville last year and am again selected to represent #31 (Omaha Lodge) at the 4th Annl Session to be held at Pittsburg on the 4th of May next, I would be pleased to have you write me petitioning again to have the word White stricken out of Constitution and that they would be able to consider favorably the propriety of casting their lot with us, I got the words anti-strike stricken out last year, and believe I will be able this season to have erased the word white. It may be rather late for you to have this acted upon but please try you can have the communications addressed to me at the Central Hotel in care of Anderson & Rowan Pittsburg Pa. Hoping this will meet with your favorable consideration. I am Yours Respectfully,
Harry E. Aston, D.G.M.W.
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
86. L. C. FRY TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, APRIL 7, 1892
Burlington, Iowa
Dear Sir & Bro:
I think there will be some changes in the I.A.M. for the better at the convention at Chicago May next, I have done considerable agitation, and I find a circular going the Rounds of the Locals in favor of the I A of M becoming affiliated with the A. F. of L., and fusing the 2 machinist organizations into one. You should see that some good man was at the convention to help matters along. I will speak at the Machinist union here next Sunday. I have already got the delegate from here to see the great necessity of Federation, and I know that he will work that way. . . . If the proper person is at the convention I am satisfied that the 2 unions can be brought together with Regards to all
I Remain Yours Fraternally,
L. C. Fry
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
87. DOUGLAS WILSON TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, APRIL 14, 1893
International Association of Machinists
Birmingham, Ala.
Dear Sir & Bro:
I am pleased to inform you that your communication came to hand this evening, and in reply, will say that I will do all I can, to further the cause of Union. Of course you can readily appreciate the fact that it is very up-hill work in this section of the country, to advocate anything that would tend to make men think that there was such a thing as the Universal Brotherhood of Man. I do not know of anything that would make a man so unpopular, as an advocacy of a heresy like that. Nevertheless, after a great deal of hard work, we may now whisper it, that an educated “nigger” is nearly as good as an illiterate though godly-say-Hibernian. I am of an opinion that the color line will “barely” come out this time, as I am afraid that the Southern (imagine north & south in a Trades Union) vote is the strongest yet; though it will be a pretty close pull. Unfortunately, a good many of our ablest men, although they know different; for the sake of pandering to popularity, will rant and rave over the superiority of the white race. The Southern delegation will get up on its hind legs, and swear, “that if you take out that ‘word,’ accept my resignation right now,” and I cannot help thinking—are your members a source of strength to us, or a weakness? You may count on Bro Ashe of Boston and myself to do all that is possible in the way of consummating a union with the A. F. L., and as a preliminary, doing our level best to knock out the word “white” from our constitution, from where it ought never to have been. I’m no office seeker so I can afford to express myself in Indianapolis more freely on that subject, than I could with propriety here. Thank you, sir, for your prompt reply to my letter, I beg to be remembered as
Fraternally,
Douglas Wilson19
P.S. The convention meets in Englishs Hall, in the Circle on the 1st Monday of May at 10 A.M. Delegates will put up at the Hotel English—rates $1.50 per diem.
D.W.
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
President Samuel Gompers of the American Federation of Labor talked to the International Association of Machinists in Indianapolis recently asking them to extend the privileges and protection of their organization to the colored man. This association and the plasterers’ union are about the only organizations which exclude the Negro. Mr. Gompers did not, however, succeed in his object. When asked what reason was assigned by the machinists for still closing their doors to the colored man: “Now,” he said, “they have answered that this would be a step toward social equality. It’s nothing of the kind. We don’t expect them to go any further, but certainly if a Negro is good enough to work alongside of the white man, he ought to be admitted to the trade unions. Then from another standpoint it is advisable to admit them: If we don’t they bid against us, and competition in labor is the very thing that labor organizations are agitating against.
The machinists say there are so few colored men among them that it is not worth while to bother about them. As I said in ray address yesterday, if there are none then this article in their by-laws denying them admission is altogether unnecessary, while if there are colored men, the article is brutal and inhuman. They will see the effect of this too. My talk to the association could have had no effect upon them during this session, as they had already disposed of the question before I arrived. I am told they did this on purpose to anticipate my endeavors. There is another association of machinists which admits the colored man and is in the federation of labor. It was my desire to unite the two organizations, but it cannot be done as long as this association persists in its determination to draw the color line. It is nothing but prejudice that keeps them out.”
The Freeman (Indianapolis), May 27, 1893.
89. JAMES O’CONNELL TO SAMUEL GOMPERS, NOVEMBER 1, 1893
James O’Connell,20
Grand Master Machinist
International Assn. of Machinists
Richmond, Virginia
Dear Sir:
I take this opportunity of addressing you on a subject that is of great interest to both of us in the matter of bringing more closely to-gether the Labor Organizations of this country, and harmonizing any differences that may exist among them. As you are fully aware of the action taken by our Conventions on that portion of our Constitution which is the word “white” in it, it has been a bone of contention among our members for sometime, and at the Indianapolis Convention we adopted a resolution to take a referendum vote as to taking the word “white” out of our Constitution. This matter I will lay before our Organization about the middle of this month, and knowing that on several occasions you have said if it were not for that portion of our Constitution there would be no rival Organization of the machinst craft in this country, and that the I.M.U. would at once become an organization of the past; now any assurance that you can give me on this matter will add a great deal towards helping us to bring this matter to a speedy conclusion, and also a successful one to all concerned.
There is no reason in the world, that I know of, why we should have two Organizations of the same craft in this country, or in fact of any other country. Our Organization is advancing rapidly under the present condition of affairs in this country, and have prospects of still greater growth; and with these facts in view I address you this letter for the purpose of having you give me your ideas as to what would be the result if we had this word taken out of our Constitution.
An early reply to this letter would be very acceptable.
Believe me,
Yours Respectfully & Fraternally,
James O’Connell, G.M.M.
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
90. DANIEL J. SULLIVAN TO JOHN MCBRIDE, MARCH 26, 1895
International Machinists Union of America
Machinists Union No. 28
Office of International Secretary-Treasurer
Boston, Mass.
John McBride
President, A. F. of L.
Dear Brother:
We would call your attention to a statement made in Boston by McConnell Master Machinist of the Association Machinists. He stated that the A. F. of Labor stood ready at any time to give the Association a charter of the Federation of Labor with or without the Association doing away with the Color-line.
We do not believe this for we know that the Associations last Convention the Federation officials tried to get them to remove the Color line from there Constitution.
Please inform us is this statement of McConnell true and also try your utmost to have the next Association Convention withdraw the Color line so that all Machinists can affiliate under the banner of the American Federation of Labor.
Yours very truly,
Danl J. Sullivan, Sec.
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
91. THIS WORD WHITE
. . . We ought to remember all these things when the Convention takes place, instruct our delegates to that effect, make an effort to keep politics, religion, and petty grievances out of the Convention, not strike the word “white” out of our constitution, and so on.
Brothers, have you ever read attentively the many articles published in our Journal about this word “white,” and especially the one in the last issue, in which a brother says himself that there were to his knowledge only five negro machinists in the South, and still he proposes to give the “colored” a partial membership, restrictions which are not practicable, but unjust. If you admit the negro you must admit him like the rest of us or not all. Our craft, which heretofore was a white man’s calling exclusively, will cease to be; it will become flooded with negroes to such an extent that there will be shops where a white man will be driven out and have no chance whatever.
The negro don’t need us now, nor will he ever benefit us even if we make him a brother. Only think of it. Not that he ain’t as good a man as many whites, no, but it is not good for us, as he is a born competitor with us, and we will command still less pay than we are getting now. We want our craft elevated, if not above the level of the best paid craft of the United States, then at the same height; but we cannot do it by admitting the negro. Progress will stop, there will be a split in our order, and if this occurs, the end will be near at hand, and some one will try and start something else until everything bursts again on the same rocky question. Now is the time, however, to meditate over such matters, and by instructing the delegates when they go to the convention it will save a good deal of trouble to decide it.
J. Best
Philadelphia, Pa.
February 5, 1895
Machinists’ Journal (April, 1895): 128.
92. JAMES DUNCAN TO W. S. DAVIS, APRIL 1, 1895
W. S. Davis
International Association of Machinists
Dear Sir:
(As) long as you have the word “white” establishing the color line as a part of your constitution either your action must be changed or your lodges and your national body must stand debarred from all affiliation with us. . . . I believe yours is the only national union, that at present, has the color line as distinctly formed, while at the same time many crafts refused to admit a colored man without having such provision in their constitutions, the matter being left absolutely with the local unions as whether or not they admit colored applicants.
James Duncan,21
Acting President of the A. F. of L.
Philip Taft, The A. F. of L. in the Time of Gompers (New York, 1957), pp. 309–10.
93. EDWARD O’DONNELL TO AUGUSTINE MCCRAITH, APRIL 15, 1895
Office of Central Labor Union of Boston and Vicinity
Boston, Mass.
Augustine McCraith,
Secretary of A. F. of L.
My Dear Mac:
At a recent meeting of the C.L.U. I was instructed to urge your Executive Board by request of Machinists No. 28, to aid in bringing about harmony and cooperation between themselves and the National Machinists, now divided because of “color distinctions.”
No plan of arbitration and concession has been submitted upon the matter, hence I have no suggestion to make; but place it in your hands, knowing of course you will exercise your best judgment.
Our delegate to the next convention will be fully informed and instructed thereupon.
Respectfully,
Edward O’Donnell,
Cor. Sec. CLU
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
94. THOMAS J. MORGAN TO JOHN MCBRIDE, MAY 18, 1895
International Machinists’ Union
Chicago, Ill.
Dear Comrade,
Your communication relative to the action of the I.M. Assoc. received. I have sent it on to the Executive Board of our Union for action, whatever they advise will be submitted to the membership per the referendum.
I have not expressed an opinion, leaving the matter entirely to them.
Speaking for myself I am free to say that I could find no satisfaction in becoming affiliated with that body. The action of their national officers towards us in the past has been most bitter and unscrupulous, meeting and treating us everywhere as enemies rather than fellow workmen and members of the A. F. of L. In this they have had the fullest encouragement from the officers of the A. F. of L. a legitimate child of the A. F. of L. we have been Bastardized, so that a more Bulky creation might be adopted. Here in Chicago we know them personally and while of course the rank and file are good honest machinists the Organization has been utilized solely for the political advancement of its leaders, this characteristic has made them hail fellow with the confidence men who rule and ruin the Labor Movement in this city, and rather than associate with them, give to them the benefit and indorsement of the little reputation I have I will sever the trade union connections which I have affectionately established and held for the last 24 years.
This is said to you alone, not a word will be used to influence our membership, they will act upon their own judgment.
John My dear boy I would not play the part of a Gompers or a McGuire for all the world. Nothing can be greater treason than to lull the workers to sleep with the old trade union melody.
I am eating at the 10c lunch counter. My dollar and cent interest prompts me to be diplomatic, to talk of harmony between Capitalists & Laborers Etc. Etc. No I shall still talk war, that there is not and cannot be peace, that the old must give way to the new even in the labor movement, that the revolution comes nearer each year, and that our best efforts will fail to fully prepare us to meet it. The Old World is up and doing, why not us John. They will not let even a Burns fool them, why should we John?
Fraternally yours,
Thomas J. Morgan
General Secretary22
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
95. THOMAS J. MORGAN TO JOHN MCBRIDE, JULY 2, 1895
International Machinists’ Union
Chicago, Ill.
John McBride
President, A. F. of L.
Dear Comrade:
The matter relative to the Association of Machinists which you submitted to the International Machinists Union, was by me referred to the Executive Board.
I am instructed to inform you that after due consideration the conditions upon which the members and Unions of the International Machinists would be permitted to merge themselves into the International Association, have been rejected, and it is fraternally insisted as a condition to the issue of a charter to the Association, by the A. F. of L.
That the Association its officers and members be required to recognize our members as Trade union Machinists and that our members be accorded that treatment which is consistent with such relationship.
I am informed that a charter has been granted to the Association.
If so, will you kindly inform me under what provision of the constitution this act was done, and what correlationship now is with the A. F. of L.
Fraternally yours,
Thomas J. Morgan,
General Secretary
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
96. DANIEL J. SULLIVAN TO JOHN MC BRIDE, JULY 24, 1895
International Machinists’ Union of America
Machinist Union No. 28
Boston, Mass.
Sir:
At the last meeting of the above union, I was instructed to find out from you on what grounds the Machinist Association were granted a charter by you as I know that it is forbidden in the Constitution of the A. F. of Labor to have two bodies of the same nature affiliated.
If you have done this and eased your conscience with the thought, that the end justifies the means, I beg leave to inform you that I hope they are but few like you at the helm guiding Labor’s course. No wonder the ship strikes and is wrecked so often. On an early reply to the above depends the future action of the above Union of which I am the Corresponding Secretary.
Danl. J. Sullivan
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
97. EDWARD O’DONNELL TO JOHN MCBRIDE, JULY 26, 1895
Office of Central Labor Union of Boston and Vicinity
Boston, Mass.
My dear Sir:
Since the granting of this dual charter, the local body here affiliated with the all powerful Association has positively refused to admit No. 28 as a body, the president tells them they will have to come in as individuals paying the regular initiation fee.
To my way of thinking this would be no reflection, and ought not to be regarded as such by 28; but human nature is so eccentric and varied in its estimation of dignity that we must refrain from censuring the smaller body for maintaining its particular standard of manhood.
The American Federation of Labor called this body into existence to bring the others into line who would not perceive that manhood could survive under a black face, and, now, forsooth, without first stipulating to both parties consolidation as the terms of affiliation, the very club we ourselves created to bring about the present consummation must be cast adrift to sink or swim.
Past indiscretion is no logical criterion to mould the action of the future upon.
Your action, to my way of viewing the situation, places the Central Labor Union in a most embarrassing position, which may possibly lead up to detrimental results.
Machinists 28 are delegates with us, small though their organization may be, and the other body is apt to apply for admission at our next meeting; and we can not refuse their admission because they and ourselves owe allegiance to the A. F. of L.
Such a policy, I care not how honorable the motive beneath it may be, must in time work destruction to the trade union movement, and dare not be pursued or tolerated much further.
It has cost too much to reach where we now are to permit of a policy fraught with such possible evil, as the present action presents itself to.
Yours sincerely,
Edward O’Donnell
Cor. Sec. C.L.U.
P.S. Daniel J. Sullivan is Secretary of Machinists, No. 28.
A. F. of L. Archives, Incoming Correspondence.
98. I. A. M. IS CHARTERED
As the JOURNAL writes these lines, the charter is casting its fraternal beams across the paper.
Immediately after the adjournment of the convention, Bro. O’Connell and the General Executive Board made application for a certificate of affiliation to the Federation, which, in due time was granted, with the result that it now graces the walls of the headquarters office. This means a great deal to us, more than at first thought is imagined. It means that we have come to that stage in our organization’s existence where both swaddling clothes and childish ideas of trades unionism are left behind. It means, that now, if we wish to show the world what sort of stuff we are made of, we have got the opportunity. We are closely allied now with the leading minds in the labor movement, and it remains with us to show both them and the world, that the members of the International Association of Machinists are equal to the occasion. To gain this end, to prove our sincerity and fealty to the cause of labor, we must forget all petty jealousies within our ranks, solidify ourselves by education; educate ourselves by fair-minded discussion, irrespective of who furnishes the subject for debate, whether he be a popular brother or not. Remembering always that the only way we can come to a fair understanding of any subject, is by listening to the opinions of others. By hearing both sides, no matter how much against the grain it goes to hear the opposition express themselves, is the only correct way to come to an honest judgment. Let us do this one thing, for a start, and we emphasize the forward step we have taken as an organization.
Affiliation with the A.F. L. also means that we have given them our strength—enlisted in the ranks to help fight in defence of labors rights. We have also gained in the transaction much more than we have given away; this will be better understood when we consider, that the mere fact of our affiliation with such a powerful combination as the A.F.L. will deter, to a great extent, that encroachment of capital that we have suffered from for the last two years.
Corporations will hesitate now, ere they announce in the same domineering manner that they have used heretofore, a cut of ten per cent. Further, even now negotiations are being entered into for the absorbtion by us of all machinists connected with bodies other than the I. A. of M. affiliated with the A. F. L.
Machinists’ Journal (July, 1895): 234.
DISCRIMINATION IN THE BRICKLAYERS’ AND MASONS’ INTERNATIONAL UNION: CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN UNION OFFICIALS
AND ROBERT RHODES, A BLACK BRICKLAYER
99.
Indianapolis, Indiana
January 14, 1903
Mr. Wm. Dobson:
Dear Sir and Brother:
In yours of December 26, 1902, you advise that I file charges against the striking members of our order who refused to work with me simply on account of my color. I could not get the names of the members of the order, but did file a general complaint against the members of the Indianapolis Union, and presented the complaint in person. It was read by the secretary, and on motion it was immediately tabled. Later in the meeting I moved to take it from the table and have a committee appointed to investigate, but could get no second to my motion, and no further action was taken. I beg of you as general secretary to take this matter up, and make an investigation. . . . I do not want to be forced to do ‘scab’ work, while there is plenty of work here for all. Something should be done at once.
Yours truly,
ROBERT RHODES
100.
Secretary’s Office
North Adams, Mass.
March 17, 1903
Mr. George Frey:
Dear Sir and Brother: Under date of February 6, I enclosed you a complaint received from Robert Rhodes, who although a member of your Union, claims that he had been and was discriminated against on account of his color. I have been waiting to hear from you regarding the matter, but up to the present time of writing you have failed to answer my communication . . .
Now, I trust you will give this immediate attention, as I want to hear your union’s side before going further into the matter. . . .
Yours fraternally,
WM. DOBSON, Sec., B&M I.U.
101.
Union No. 3
Indianapolis, Indiana
March 22, 1903
Mr. Wm. Dobson:
Dear Sir and Brother: In answer to yours of the 17th inst. referring to R. R. Rhodes, will say that he became a member of No. 3 by card on January 10, 1903. He had been in the city for about four weeks before his card came, and on complying with the law was granted working pemits.
He has at all times been extended the same rights and privileges as any other member. He procured work on the Federal building, and I am informed the men working there quit work as individuals, and after the foreman discovered the men would not work with a colored member, he was let go. He appeared at the next regular meeting, and as he has informed you in his letter made an appeal. He was advised then to prefer charges against the members who had quit work, which he admits he did not do, for the reason, he says, that he did not know the members’ names.
The foregoing are the facts in the case, and if Brother Rhodes has a grievance against members of this Union and presents his case in compliance with the law, there will be an investigation made and he will receive the same recognition that any other brother would get.
Fraternally yours,
GEORGE FREY, Corres. Sec.
102.
Indianapolis, Indiana
March 24, 1903
Wm. Dobson:
Dear Sir and Brother: A copy of the letter sent to you by Union No. 3 has been given to me, and I beg leave to say that as far as it goes it is all right, but it stops a little too soon. They fail to tell you that I tried to get them to appoint a committee to investigate my grievances and they refused to do so. I asked them what I should do, and the president told me to go somewhere else where I could work.
It is true that they have given me the right to meet with them, but that is all they have done. I brought my case up several times, and the last time I brought it up I was told that they were not going to have any more rag chewing about it. I rose and asked the Union to set me right as to whether they were going to work with me, and two of the brothers rose and answered me in this way: they said, no they were not going to work with me, but said they would not make a minute of it, for they were too slick for that, but they would tell me as individuals that they would not work with me, and I ought to be man enough to go somewhere else and not stay around there.
So, now, Brother Secretary, all I want is a fair and impartial trial, and I hope you will investigate the matter and give me a chance for a living. I have been here better than four months, and would like to know what I am to do, as I expect to live here. . . .
Your brother,
ROBERT RHODES
103.
First Vice President’s Office
New York City
April 6, 1903
Mr. George Frey:
Dear Sir and Brother: The correspondence in the case of Rhodes vs. No. 3 has been forwarded to my office in the absence of the president. . . . I may say that I had been made acquainted with Brother Rhodes’ case through the public press, and I could not believe that all that is printed is true. However, all who are opposed to labor Unions have grasped at the statements made to use as a weapon against organized labor, and it behooves us as one of the great labor bodies of the world to place our organization right before the public. In accordance with instructions from the Executive Board, you will appoint a committee to investigate the matter and forward report thereon as soon as possible. . . .
Fraternally yours,
WM. J. BOWEN, Acting Pres.23
104.
Indianapolis, Indiana
April 10, 1903
Mr. Dobson:
Dear Sir and Brother: I have waited quite a while for you to adjust my matter with Union No. 3 and as yet I have heard nothing from you. Since writing you I have been fined $25 and suspended until same is paid. I think this an outrage to starve a man and try to force him out of the city to earn a living when there is work for all, and for no purpose other than my color. . . . I don’t propose to be treated in this manner after paying my money and living up to all rules and laws until forced to get work by the wrongful acts of my brother workmen. Please answer at once.
Yours for business,
ROBERT RHODES
P.S. I beg to remind you of our preamble; . . . it says we hold that all men are created equal and that honor and merit makes the man, etc., then see what my brothers have done to me because of the negro blood in my veins. It is simply a living lie and I propose to go to the limit of the law in self-preservation.
105.
First Vice President’s Office
April 20, 1903
Mr. Robert Rhodes:
Dear Sir and Brother: In reply to your letter of the 10th inst., I wish to call your attention to the law of the B. & M. I. U. of A. governing appeals. If you had or now have a grievance against No. 3 Indiana why do you not conform to the paragraphs of section 3 of article 15 of the I.U. Constitution? Make out your appeal in duplicate according to law, setting forth all the facts in the case; serve one copy on No. 3 Indiana and one on the Judiciary Board of the I.U. through Secretary Dobson’s office. We can then get both sides of the case and render decision according to the evidence adduced. When you comply with the law of the I.U. we can give you the protection that is accorded all the members.
With kind regards, I am,
Fraternally yours,
WM. J. BOWEN, Acting President
106.
First Vice President’s Office
April 20, 1903
Mr. George Frey:
Dear Sir and Brother: . . . The Executive Board of the I.U. does not wish to pose as reformers nor to blazon forth as the solvers of the colored question, but we insist that we shall be prepared to repel the attacks of the newspaper critics, and to place the general organization right before the public when statements such as have come to our notice in this case of Rhodes are brought to our attention. We do not want to pass on the legality of your action in fining Rhodes, until both sides have presented their evidence, but in justice to your Union and the parent body you should take up the charges made by Rhodes in the public press, and make a thorough investigation of same. . . .
Fraternally yours,
WM. BOWEN, Acting President
107.
Bricklayers’ Union No. 3
Indianapolis, Indiana
April 26, 1903
Wm. Bowen:
Dear Sir and Brother: . . . Rhodes became a member of No. 3 by card on January 1st. He has had all the privileges accorded him that any other brother has had. If he has been injured by members of No. 3 he had a redress as anyone else would have had . . . that is to prefer charges against the brothers who he says had injured him. He has repeatedly said that he would be driven to scabbing, which, in not gaining his point as he expected to do he has done, with others.
On the 2d inst. charges were preferred against him . . . of which charges he was notified and ordered to appear for trial at our next regular meeting on the 9th, at which time he appeared and entered an [sic] plea of guilty to charges, and was fined $25.00. He has been working ever since. The Union placed the extreme penalty [suspension] upon him for the reason that we were locked out by the bosses, and that he had made a proposition to one of the contractors that if they, the bosses, wish him to, he would fill our places with two hundred colored men in a week’s time, which proposition later events show was not accepted as our demands were granted and work resumed. . . .
And as for solving the colored question in this locality, that we could not do, as there are too many of them here . . . and even if we are forced to do that, the Union thinks it ample time when Mr. Rhodes reinstates himself. We cannot understand why such great stress and blame should attach to No. 3 when there are other Unions throughout the country where they are not allowed to become members at all. . . .
Fraternally yours,
GEORGE FREY, Corres. Sec., No. 3
108.
Indianapolis, Indiana
April 27, 1903
Mr. Wm. Bowen:
Dear Sir and Brother: I beg to say to you that I acted under the advice of our secretary, Mr. Dobson, and filed a complaint against certain members of Union No. 3. The charges were made. The Union refused to take any steps at all. They knew I could not make specific charges against certain members whose names I could not get from the secretary, nor could I get them from the contractor. They knew this, hence I could not follow the letter of the law, nor could I get the matter squarely before the Union.
. . . If I attempt further proceedings I will be stopped because of my suspension for working with non-Union men, after a repeated effort to get work with my fellow workmen. Now I am to be handicapped and denied my rights on legal technicalities, while in fact it is simply because of my color, as they fairly said so, and wanted me to leave the city and get work elsewhere. If I can’t get a proper understanding I will pursue some other course, and I beg of you to take the matter up, as I want no further unpleasantness . . .
Respectfully,
ROBERT RHODES
“Case No. 8: Rhodes vs. No. 3 Indiana as to Discrimination,” in 38th Annual Report of the President and Secretary of the Bricklayers and Masons’ International Union of America, 1903 (North Adams, Mass., 1903), 11–16, in United States Department of Labor Library, Washington, D.C.
THE GALVESTON LONGSHOREMEN STRIKE OF 1898
109. THE MALLORY TROUBLES
COLORED LABORERS MEET
THE SHIP AT GALVESTON—DEMAND UNION WORK AND UNION WAGES—OLD FORCE AFRAID TO GO TO WORK.
AN ANOMALOUS condition is presented in the labor trouble which is now on at the Mallory docks. The men who previously worked for the line were on hand to unload the Colorado, which arrived yesterday. A big crowd of men were on hand, who demanded that the wages be raised from the old scale, and who at first prevented and later persuaded the old men not to go to work.
The Mallory line’s service between New York and Galveston has been suspended since April, when the war broke out. The Colorado is the first boat to arrive since the resumption of the service. She left New York on August 30, and was really due here Sunday. She had cargo and freight for Key West, and as Key West had been branded as an infected port the company made arrangements to discharge her freight and passengers on a barge outside the harbor, in order that she might not be forbidden ingress into Galveston harbor. An extra crew was taken along to perform this work. They mutinied at Key West, or rather outside of Key West harbor. Consequently there was a delay in discharging the freight. Seven of them are now confined and will be turned over to the authorities.
When the Colorado pulled into Galveston harbor and berthed at the Mallory dock about 1 o’clock yesterday afternoon there were over a thousand men there to greet her. It was not a reception committee, it was not a delegation to welcome the return of the line, but for the most part it was a crowd of colored longshoremen, who were there to tell the Mallory people that they must employ none but union men, and must pay the scale of wages recently adopted by the recently organized and chartered Colored Laborers’ union. The wages which the union says must be paid are 40 cents an hour for day work and 50 cents an hour for night work. The Mallory line has paid 30 cents for day work and 40 cents for night work. That is the scale it intends paying again.
Many of the colored men carried billets of wood. They formed a complete cordon guarding every avenue of approach to the Mallory docks. Some of them, when asked as to their purpose, declined to answer; others declared that they were just keeping their own men from blocking the gangways; others said they meant no violence, but intended to see that no one went to work except at the union scale. Two men who were interrogated upon the matter said it was not the purpose to keep back the men who were to unload the ship; “but,” they added, “we are the men who will unload that ship, and we will get union wages for it.”
As a rule the discharging of a vessel begins immediately she is tied up at the dock. Quite a crowd of spectators gathered around to await the clash which they thought was imminent, but the afternoon wore away and there was no clash. Neither was there any attempt to unload the vessel.
The men who stood a short distance from the Mallory sheds carrying clubs and forming the guard line, every now and then drove back those who pressed forward too far. It is true that some of these were of their own crowd, but on more than one occasion this reporter saw men who professed a desire to go to the docks for work driven back. They were told that no foolishness would be stood and they obeyed. There was no violence.
A couple of policemen were on the ground. They said there were no acts of violence attempted, and there was nothing for them to do. When told that men who wanted to work had been driven back they said they had seen nothing of the sort; that if it was going on it was not attempted in their presence.
About 2 o’clock Harvey Patrick mounted a box or barrel on the platform of the passenger depot on avenue A and Twenty-fourth streets and addressed the big crowd that gathered around them. He told them that he was talking to and for every man who has an interest in the community, and who has a family at home to support, be he white or black. “It requires something to subsist upon,” he continued. “We are not farmers; we can not get out and raise that on which we have to subsist. It requires spot cash. You know what the trouble is. It is not necessary for me to tell you here. The Mallory line steamer is here offering reduced wages upon which we can not live. Many of you have read my letter giving the scale of wages we asked. Now the Mallory line is charging the merchants of this town 85 cents a hundred for freight, and they refuse to pay us 40 cents an hour for unloading that freight. They charge the merchants 45 cents a hundred on sugar, and we have to pay $1 for eighteen pounds of sugar — yet they will not pay us living wages. We have not come here to prevent the Mallory line from working, but to ask them to pay us what we pay them through our merchants. We don’t want any trouble and don’t mean to have any riotous conduct. We don’t mean to stop the Mallory line and say they shall not come into this port. We simply ask them for liberal wages upon which a laborer can subsist. We mean to say that scab labor from the country, which comes here for three or four months every year after making a cotton crop to gobble our work and make a stake for Christmas, should not be employed at reduced wages. We stay here all the year round. We simply ask the co-operation of our white brethren. We have not committed any violence, and we don’t intend to do so. We ask this labor from the country to disband and go back to the country. If we get more wages, we will be able to pay them better prices for their produce and wages will be raised in the country, everybody will be happy and we will have two children born to one.”
At this juncture Patrick explained that a more eloquent man was to speak for them. He said he didn’t know who the man was, but he would be obliged if he would come forward. The unknown did not respond, and after a time Patrick went on.
“I ask you all to do no acts of violence; do nothing that is against the law or against decency. The white labor unions are ready to give us their sympathy as long as we remain within the bounds of the law. Be cautious in this matter. Stay away from the Mallory docks for less than 40 cents an hour. When they are ready to consent to our terms, union men will do the work. We don’t want scabs to do the work at union wages, but we want union men and union wages. Don’t violate the law. Ask these laborers from the country not to go to work down there, and when you ask them see that they don’t do it.”
This ended the speechmaking, and the afternoon wore away without particular incident.
About the middle of the afternoon a number of policemen, headed by Day Sergeant Paul Delaya arrived on the scene. It was said they had orders from Mayor Fly to disperse the crowds. They drove the men back into Twenty-fourth street, south of avenue A. There many of them remained until a late hour, evidently believing that the Mallory line might make an effort to unload the ship if they left. It was known that this was not satisfactory to the Mallory line; they did not consider that the crowd had been dispersed. Deputy Chief of Police Amundsen went to the scene about 6 o’clock. By that time it had been determined not to make any attempt to discharge the vessel until this morning. Mr. Amundsen told the men that their assembly was unlawful. He informed the leaders that they must not bring their men down there in the morning, and if they did so, the police would disperse them. This had the effect of sending most of the crowd home.
Mr. Charles Scrimgeour, superintendent of the Mallory wharf, said that his men wanted to go to work early in the afternoon, but were prevented from doing so. Later they demanded that he pay them 40 and 50 cents an hour. Some of them, he said, told him they were willing to go to work on the old terms, but they were afraid to do so.
Traffic Manager Denison was seen at the Mallory line offices last evening.
“The Mallory line has been paying its men 30 cents an hour for daylight work and 40 cents for night work for the past five or six years,” said he, “If there has been any complaint on their part I have not heard of it. During the suspension of the line many of the men have been out of employment. They have been going down to the dock, asking when the ship would come in, and manifesting an anxiety to go to work. Some of them had been turned out of their houses because they could not pay the rent. When the quarantine was declared they were fearful lest the work which they soon expected to get would not be forthcoming. It was our intention to give these men our old employes, the preference. We had never been told that they were dissatisfied; in fact, we knew that they were content to work at our scale of wages, which we consider liberal, and which are in fact higher than we can really afford. Many of the men were at the docks to-day, ready to go to work, but this other crowd was down there to prevent them from doing so. The Mallory line has been hard at work for over a month to get its service to Galveston resumed. We have now resumed it, and were prepared to work. Now, this is the reception we get—a mob at the dock to say that our ship shall not be unloaded except on their terms.”
“You can state,” Mr. Denison resumed, “that the Mallory line cannot afford to pay any more, and does not intend to pay more. We have paid higher wages in Galveston than in any other port. In Brunswick, Ga., we pay our men 15, 20, and 25 cents an hour, respectively. We are going to secure men to unload our ships and have asked for protection. If we are prevented from unloading them with these men we shall simply send the ‘Colorado’ and our other ships to ports where they can be unloaded at our liberal scale of wages and without interference.”
“This is not our men striking. It is a lot of men preventing our men from working. If the laboring men of Galveston do not want the employment the Mallory line has to offer at the wages we have been paying, and at which our men have been willing to work, we will send our ships to some other port. We mean exactly what we say.”
“I called on Mayor Fly at 12:30 o’clock to-day for police protection. He asked me to first call on the police department. I did so. I was told that there were two officers down at the docks, and that as no violence had been attempted they did not consider it necessary to send more. They said, however, that a detail of men was ready to go there at the first outbreak. I again saw Mayor Fly and represented that the crowd was down there with sticks and that our men were afraid to go to work. He ordered the police department to disperse the crowd. The police drove the crowd back off the tracks, but has not yet dispersed it.”
“We have advertised for men to work on the docks, and we are going to begin discharging the vessel at 7 o’clock this morning. Regardless of what happens, we will not yield to the demands that have been made upon us. The wages we are paying, as I remarked before, are the same that have been in effect for five or six years. Our rates both to Galveston and to interior points are lower than they have ever been before under normal conditions.”
Mayor Fly was seen at his office last evening. He said that men who desired to go to work on the docks should have the protection of the municipal government, and would be permitted to work.
Deputy Chief of Police Amundsen said he would protect any man or men who said they desired to work, and that he would permit no assemblies of men to congregate as they did yesterday.
“Our men were ready to go to work. A crowd of men, most of whom, doubtless none of them have ever worked for the Mallory line, were there to say that they should get the work and that they should get the price. Patrick was up here in the office. I asked him if he had worked for the Mallory line. He said he had not done so for several years, but he said his interest was general; that if the Mallory line continued to get its labor at the scale of wages we have been paying, he feared there would be a general reduction for wharf labor. Now, I do not say that our scale of wages is fixed with reference to what is paid the men who load and unload tramp steamers, but I think the relative conditions should be taken into consideration in connection with this matter. There is a degree of permanency in the employment of our men; we have one ship every week and for several months in the year two ships a week. It is not so with tramp steamers.”
Mr. Denison has been connected with the Mallory line but a short time, and he did not assume to speak as to the earnings of the men. So he called in his chief clerk, Mr. DeMitt, to state to the reporter what the average weekly wages of the men had been.
“When we have one ship a week,” said Mr. DeMitt, “the minimum time gotten in by the men is thirty-six hours a week; the maximum time is fifty hours a week. With two ships a week the minimum time is sixty hours a week and the maximum ninety hours. Figuring on day work only, at 30 cents an hour, this would make the minimum weekly earnings of each man for one ship a week $10.50, maximum $15; for two ships a week, minimum weekly earnings $18, maximum $27.”
NO CONNECTION WITH IT
It had been rumored yesterday that the colored screwmen were back of the fight made on the Mallory line, and it was intimated that they desired to see the wages raised, with the intention of doing some of the work themselves when there was little cotton to screw.
W. H. Davis, chairman of the board of directors, Colored screwmen’s association No. 2 called at The News office last night to disavow any connection with or responsibility for the demand made upon the Mallory line.24
“We have nothing whatever to do with this matter,” said he. “When we, as screwmen, worked for the Mallory line five or six years ago we were paid 40 and 50 cents an hour. When they refused to pay that we quit their employ and joined the screwmen’s association. Our employers, William Parr & Company pay us our scale of wages, and we have no complaint to make. We have no fear of a reduction in our wages, and have nothing whatever to do with the Mallory line movement. It is all we can do to attend to our own business, without meddling in the affairs of others.”
Galveston (Texas) Daily News, August 31, 1898.
110. A MASS MEETING HELD
Patrick Says the Colored Union Is Affiliated With the A.F. of L.
There was a mass meeting of Mallory strikers and sympathizers last night at the Texas press yard, Rosenberg avenue and Avenue M. No call was issued and no notice of the meeting was published, yet from 700 to 1000 men, mostly colored, were in attendance. The report of the meeting here given is from the account furnished by George A. Patrick. It was late when word was received that a mass meeting was being held and the men were on their way home when a reporter got out in the neighborhood. Mr. Patrick could not recollect the names of all those who spoke. Two white screwmen made addresses, he said, and he, Edward Williams, James Anderson and Bailey Sparks were among the colored men who made short talks.
“We simply discussed the condition of affairs,” said Patrick. “The white screwmen who spoke told of the benefits of unionism. They said union labor would stand together regardless of race, creed or color, and that prejudices would be buried.
“The speeches of all the men were mild, calm and moderate. Oh, yes; we discussed the affair of yesterday and we pointed out some inconsistencies. We hope that whatever wrong was done will be righted by the law. We did not go to the Mallory wharf with the intention of committing violence. We were not desirous of creating trouble. We did not want a riot. We believe the shooting was uncalled for and without provocation. We are proud to say that the shooting of yesterday has but served to make our members firmer and more loyal to our organization.”
The speeches that were made were along that line, Mr. Patrick said. There was no wild discussion or fierce language. It was simply the expression of men who thought a wrong had been committed.
“We want no violence and make no threats,” said Patrick. “We depend on moral suasion. We counsel peace, quietude and harmony. Of course, in a strike like this there is always some display of bad feeling like the attack on Abe Woods to-day. I am very sorry for Woods. Some one told me a white screwman hit Woods the first lick and then some of the colored men struck him.”
“I hope there will be no fighting of any kind. We advocate moral suasion. We are getting good results from it. Why, twelve men have left the Mallory shed. Two of them have joined our union. Five have received money from us with which to pay their fare home. The others have quit out of sympathy. There are two more we are working on to-night. I think we will get them.”
“In our meeting to-night we signified our firm intention to stick to the scale of wages we asked for and to hold the union to its duty to aid us. We are members of the American Federation of Labor. Oh, we will stick!”
“We tried to-day to get the Mallory line to submit the trouble to arbitration. Mr. Bornefeld, Mr. Skinner, Mr. Henderson and Mr. Kempner were very kind in their efforts. We went as far as we could in making advances to the Mallory line. We are very thankful to the gentlemen of the cotton exchange.”
Then with some show of mild sarcasm Mr. Patrick said they were also thankful to Mr. Denison for his “extreme courtesy” in refusing to treat with them.
Mr. Patrick misuses words occasionally, but on the whole speaks very well, and has no difficulty in giving full expression to his ideas. He says he is not an agitator, but a conservative workingman; he is a grandfather and tries to be a good citizen. Good citizenship, he says, is the aim of the union men, and surely it is not good citizenship to violate the law. It was not the intention of the colored men to violate the law Wednesday, he said, and they were not responsible for the trouble.
Galveston (Texas) Daily News, September 2, 1898.
111. WHITE OR BLACK LABOR
The Outlook for a Settlement Not Very Flattering to the Negro
The Houston negroes left for home yesterday afternoon and evening. Some of the men quit work at noon and left on the Santa Fe, others left on the 4 o’clock La Porte train and the balance departed last night on the Santa Fe 7:30 train. Police Sergeant Paul Delaya detailed a squad of officers—Perrett, Curtin, Plummer, Williamson, Jordan, Dave Henry and Whittlesey—to escort the men to the trains in the patrol wagon, and some of the officers accompanied the trains to the city limits. No attempt was made to intercept the laborers’ departure and all of them were delighted with the way they were cared for while here and looked after on their journey home.
The Colorado is not quite loaded, but will receive the balance of her cargo to-day and be ready to sail to-morrow morning. The ship’s crew and the extra crew carried on this trip will finish loading the steamer. The Lampasas is expected to reach the dock this evening, and unloading will be commenced to-morrow morning.
The Mallory line expended about $1200 in the unloading and loading of the Colorado, which includes the crew’s wages. In round numbers $500 was paid to the Houston laborers, some of whom put in fifty hours time at 30 and 40 cents per hour. They averaged two and three hours’ night work at 40 cents per hour. There being but the one crew, and that a small one, the work was not continued all night. One night they worked until midnight, and the other two nights until 10 p.m.
Traffic Manager Denison, when seen by a News reporter last evening, said he regretted that all this money was sent outside of Galveston when the Galveston laborers could have had it. When asked if any contract had been entered into or any agreement made by the Mallory line for letting the work out by contract, Mr. Denison replied in the negative. He said that the Houston men had expressed their desire to return to Galveston and be hired for the work on the Lampasas, and unless something was done in the meantime they will be put to work. “The places of the strikers are still open to them, and if they wish to return to work on Monday they will be reinstated,” was the way Mr. Denison expressed it. He said the strikers had not made application to return to work at the present scale and he knew not what were their intentions.
Asked if their places would be held open for them for an indefinite period, Mr. Denison replied no. He said this unsettled state of affairs could not be prolonged much longer. Some definite action must be taken at an early date. He intimated that unless the strikers report for duty to-morrow morning their places would be filled and they would be out in the cold.
There was a rumor current yesterday that the Mallory line had contracted with a well known stevedore for the labor on the wharf, but the report was not confirmed. A News reporter called upon the stevedore, who denied the report and claimed he knew nothing about the matter. He was not opposed to entering into a contract with the Mallory line to do the work and furnish the longshoremen, but he said he had not entered into any agreement or made any arrangements with the steamship company. If the work is let out by contract it means that only white labor will be employed and the days of the negro on the wharf will be a thing of the past.
Galveston (Texas) Daily News, September 4, 1898.
112. A BLACK POINT OF VIEW
The City Times, one of the organs of the colored people of Galveston, had the following to say September 10:
“The strike situation remains about the same so far as appearances go. Things are at work somewhere disintegrating the situation, but there is no certain knowledge of what the forces are nor where they are at work. There are many rumors but they are generally unreliable and hardly worth printing. One, however, seems pretty well authenticated, and that is the Mallorys will certainly not pay us more than 30 and 40 cents per hour, and that if they can not obtain men at these figures they will load and unload their vessels with their crews, difficult as it may be. It is hard to see how they can do this unless they greatly increase the number composing their vessel crews, and even then the work can hardly be satisfactory. The strikers should maintain a peaceable and orderly demeanor for therein is their greatest strength.”
From this it would seem that the colored people feel sure of the position of the Mallory people.
In a previous issue the Times said:
WHERE WE STAND
First. We stand to uphold the law.
Second. For the protection of human life and property.
Third. We must agree with Mayor Fly in his advocacy on last Wednesday in telling our colored laborers what the law was in cases of this nature. But we don’t by the eternal gods wash him clean for his six-shooter plays. Nay! Nay! We further believe that if it is just and right that the rate of 40 to 50 cents should be paid our men for their labor that they should be given it at once and the Mudcats should be immediately sent back home. But on the other hand if it is plain that the Mallory people can’t afford to pay the 40 to 50 cents per hour then it is another consideration and it will be to our people’s own interest to be conservative, call and figure out some plan that the matter should be at once adjusted to the interest of negroes of Galveston and not those of Houston. This union may be all right; we hope so, and it is never too late to do good but sometimes we make bad mistakes by not being considerate and cool headed. Cases of this kind often occur. We are citizens of this community. Our homes and families are here, their support is entirely dependent upon the labor of this city. Our earnings we spend here and not in Houston, and our cause must be given first consideration, provided we are right in our demands. We believe the business people of this city will see that our interest is taken care of if it is justice, and that’s all we can expect. And again we must not allow hotheaded men to dictate our demands when they are out of reason, and if we do we will be dumped and the result will be that every man and his brother will be accusing each other as being the cause of them losing out. In conclusion we are for what’s just and right, fair and square, and no more, whether you be black or white, grizzly or poor.
There is still another phase of the situation. One of the prominent men in the ranks of the union, and a negro of more than ordinary intelligence, who is recognized as a champion of his race and a man who has many followers in the different negro organizations of the city, gave The News reporter a statement in the presence of Chief Jones, which may throw a little light upon the inside workings of the union. His name is withheld, because it would not do for him to identify himself in the matter just at present. His interview is substantially as follows:
“I am a negro, and am for my race first, last and always. I am with them in their struggle for higher wages, and as a member of the union fully indorse the organization and its aims and purposes. I do not refer to any unlawful acts by some of its members, for the union does not preach such a creed, but condemns riots or the use of force at any and all times. As I said before, the union is all right in itself, and organized labor is what the negro needs, but white politicians have made use of and are now endeavoring to use the union, or, rather, its members, as a political catspaw. Politics is not supposed to enter into our deliberations or in anywise to control the operations of the union, which was organized as a labor protective body and not as a political organization. We have many illiterate men in our ranks. Ignorant negroes are to be pitied, because they are not blessed with enough education for their own self-preservation. Certain white men, several of them very prominent in commercial and political circles in Galveston, have preyed upon the ignorance of our black brothers for the purpose of feathering their own political ambitions and aspirations, at the sacrifice of men who have stood by the negro, and in politics have received the support of the colored citizens of Galveston. I know what I am talking about and can furnish you with the names of men which I know would surprise many of the good citizens of Galveston who are not aware of the scheme on foot. (He mentioned the names of two well known citizens.) If I were a white man I could talk plainer and make myself better understood, although I know of what I speak, and the future will prove that I am right. When these white men say they are heart and hand with us negroes, I know, as does every intelligent man of my race, that they do not mean it. They may be in hand with us and our cause, which we believe to be just, but in heart they are only scheming for the successful consummation of their political ventures, at the negroes’ sacrifice of principle. When the negroes on the wharf organized and demanded a scale of wages which they decided upon and believe to be reasonable and equitable, they did not consider the politics of the men who refused to grant the wages asked for. It was a business proposition, and the negroes never gave politics a thought. We believe we have the moral support and the sympathy of democrats and republicans, gold and silver democrats and populists in our struggle for higher wages. But white politicans began to work on the members, and have tried to convince the negroes that certain political friends of theirs have indorsed the actions of certain men, who in politics have lost a good deal of the support of the negro vote. It is a shame that such conditions are allowed to exist in the ranks of the organization. If the white politicans would leave us alone, I believe we could manage our organization and let politics be cared for on the outside. The shooting on the wharf was deplored by every sensible man in the union, and it was and is the intention of the union to win out by their own efforts without resort to any unlawful acts. Unfortunately, the so-called riot occurred, and now the white politicians are using this tragedy for their own advancement and benefit and the downfall of the negroes.”
Galveston (Texas) Daily News, September 11, 1898.
113. AFFILIATION
The colored union known as the Colored Labor protective union, was last night affiliated with the American Federation of Labor, and will henceforth operate under the federation charter which has been issued to the new organization. A special meeting was held at the hall on Market street, between Twenty-fourth street and Bath avenue, last night. An unusually large crowd attended; in fact, the hall would not hold over one-fourth of the membership of the union, which is claimed to be 2213. The hall was filled early in the evening before the meeting was called to order. The crowd packed the stairway leading up to the hall on the second floor and extended down on Market street. There were fully 2000 negroes in the neighborhood for some time during the session. Many of them never reached nearer to the hall than the pavement below others sweated it out on the stairway, while many of them tired waiting around the street and went home. A system was tried to permit every man to enjoy part of the proceedings and allow them to sign the rolls admitting them to the organization. The system was to admit 100 men at a time and then send them out after they had signed the rolls, but the system was easier to suggest than to put into execution.
With the crowd below mingled white men who were talking labor and union to the men. Two of these men were very conspicuous and attracted no little attention by their manner of addressing the little audiences on the street. They believed they were doing great missionary work among their colored brethren, but the negroes were not as favorably impressed with the preachings of these men as appeared on the surface, for several of them remarked to a News reporter who stood in the crowd that the white men should wait until they were invited to come up and deliver open air services in the cause of labor. One of the missionaries, while praying for peace with one breath, declared war in the next. He told his hearers that they should never allow the Houston negroes to come to Galveston and go to work. He admonished them not to use violence or commit themselves to any breach of the law, yet he bade them run the negroes out of town and not permit them to work. These men did not seem to be representing any organization, but simply had taken it upon themselves to go among the crowd and tell them what they knew about the trouble, and incidentally a great deal that they did not know.
Galveston (Texas) Daily News, September 13, 1898.
114. POLITICAL PULLING
Lucas Luke, a prominent member of the colored screwmen’s association, was seen last night by a News reporter, and in discussing the strike situation said:
“Our people are determined in their demand for higher wages, because they feel that the Mallory line can afford to pay them, and the work is well worth the price.”
“The conditions have not changed at all, and I can not predict how it will come out, but we all hope for an amicable adjustment of the differences.”
“Our men went into this thing as a matter of right, and with no other object in view. I regret very much to see that some men, who are not in the least interested in the outcome of this contention, are trying to make political capital out of it. The other night two of these men were very conspicuous in their endeavors to persuade some of our men that Mr. Hawley is to blame for not having the strike settled in our favor, and telling us that his influence was used against us rather than for us. I hear it on the street that the negroes are not going to support Hawley. But you can say for me that these men I have referred to have axes to grind, and that our people are not going to be gulled in any such way.
“Politics cuts no figure in this strike, and the sooner these people know this the better it will be. We do not want to have anything of this sort thrust into this contention.”
Galveston (Texas) Daily News, September 18, 1898.