CHAPTER 1
1. A detailed review of studies in this field are presented in Chapter 2. Here, I present only the main contours of the debate.
2. Lewis, “Islam and Liberal Democracy: Historical Overview”; Kedourie, Democracy and Arab Political Culture; Huntington, “Clash of Civilizations.”
3. This view is largely informed by the nineteenth-century Islamists, including al-Afghānī, Namık Kemal, Muhammad Iqbal, Mehmed Akif, and Muhammad Abduh. Contemporary scholars use insights from the works of these pioneers to make the case for religious democracy through flexible interpretations of religious texts or religious notions of freedom and rationality, public interest, or justice. Some of the influential scholars in this vein include Rāshid al-Ghannūshī, Mohammed Arkoun, Abdolkarim Soroush, and Nurcholish Madjid. See Ayoob, Many Faces of Political Islam, for an account of modernist Islam, and Kurzman, Liberal Islam, for the original writings of these intellectuals.
4. Ciftci, Wuthrich, and Shamaileh, “Islam, Religious Outlooks, and Support.”
5. For notable exceptions, see Thompson, Justice Interrupted; Tessler, Islam and Politics.
6. Statistical studies of Muslim political attitudes engage in this endeavor, but their main focus is on religiosity and political attitudes. See Tessler, Islam and Politics, for an overview of these studies. There are some studies that look at values and support for democracy in the Arab region (Ciftci, “Secular-Islamist Cleavage, Values, and Support”; Berger, “Sharī‘a, Islamism and Arab Support”).
7. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy; Sachedina, Islamic Roots of Democratic Pluralism; An-Náim, Islam and the Secular State; Filali-Ansary, “Muslims and Democracy”; Hashemi, Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy.
8. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy.
9. March, Caliphate of Man.
10. March, Caliphate of Man.
11. An-Náim, Islam and the Secular State.
12. Khanani, “Contemporary Islamism and the Sacralization of Democracy.”
13. Hashemi, Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy.
14. Menchik, Islam and Democracy in Indonesia.
15. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy.
16. I use the term Muslim political practice in its broadest sense to include social, economic, and political acts of Muslims throughout centuries including its contemporary displays in protest movements and political organizations.
17. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy.
18. As noted above, there are numerous studies that deal with theological and conceptual foundations of Islamic justice including but not limited to An-Náim, Islam and the Secular State; Hashemi, Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy; Khanani, “Contemporary Islamism and the Sacralization of Democracy”; Menchik, Islam and Democracy in Indonesia.
19. Abdelkader, Social Justice in Islam. Also see Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice; Harvey, Qur’an and the Just Society; Mirakhor and Askari, Conceptions of Justice.
20. Abdelkader, Social Justice in Islam. Scholars like El Fadl (Islam and the Challenge of Democracy) and Shahab Ahmed (What Is Islam?) also emphasize the importance of maṣlaḥa as a legal principle that has far-reaching implications in the political realm.
21. Darling, Social Justice and Political Power.
22. The idea behind the circle of justice is expressed succinctly in the following words: “No power without troops, / No troops without money, / No money without prosperity, / No prosperity without justice and good administration” (Darling, Social Justice and Political Power).
23. Darling, Social Justice and Political Power.
24. Thompson, Justice Interrupted.
25. Nader Hashemi’s work partly addresses this shortcoming by providing a theoretical account of the association between religiously informed struggles and democracy. However, Islamic justice is not Hashemi’s main scholarly concern; rather, he is interested in understanding the role of religious mobilization and struggles in constructing an important condition for democracy, namely, secularism.
26. Maguire, “Religious Influences on Justice Theory.”
27. Lorenz, “Emergence of Social Justice.”
28. Smith, Emergence of Liberation Theology; Goizueta, “Liberation Theology 1.”
29. Rawls, Theory of Justice.
30. Crone, God’s Rule; Lapidus, History of Islamic Societies.
31. Fitna is an Arabic word that means distress or trial. It is more commonly translated as anarchy or civil strife.
32. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice, 5.
33. Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Thought.
34. Thompson, Justice Interrupted.
35. Abrahamian, Iran between Two Revolutions.
36. The notion of ʾiḥsān is also treated as the foundation of good governance and public policies by Muqtedar Khan (Islam and Good Governance).
37. Ciftci, “Islam, Social Justice, and Democracy.”
38. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice.
39. This term can be defined as governance according to Islamic law or legal politics.
40. Filali-Ansary, “Muslims and Democracy.”
41. Kuru, Islam, Authoritarianism, and Underdevelopment.
42. Acemoglu and Robinson, Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy.
43. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy.
44. Kuru, Islam, Authoritarianism, and Underdevelopment.
45. An-Náim, Islam and the Secular State.
46. Levitsky and Ziblatt, How Democracies Die, 106.
47. Levitsky and Ziblatt, How Democracies Die, 106.
48. Levitsky and Ziblatt, How Democracies Die, 106–107.
49. Abdelkader, Social Justice in Islam.
50. Braudel, “Histoire et Sciences Sociales.”
CHAPTER 2
1. Schmitter and Karl, “What Democracy Is,” 75.
2. Amaeshi, “Decolonizing African Scholarship,” para. 6.
3. Amaeshi, “Decolonizing African Scholarship.”
4. Said, Orientalism.
5. Khanani, “Contemporary Islamism and the Sacralization of Democracy,” 16.
6. Chakrabarty, “Provincializing Europe,” 28–29.
7. Sen, Idea of Justice.
8. Israel, Radical Enlightenment.
9. Bourdeau, “Auguste Comte.”
10. Said, Orientalism.
11. Renan, “Islamism and Science.”
12. Keddie, Islamic Response to Imperialism.
13. Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism.
14. Gellner, Muslim Society; Kedourie, Democracy and Arab Political Culture; Huntington, “Clash of Civilizations”; Lewis, “Islam and Liberal Democracy.”
15. Huntington, “Clash of Civilizations.”
16. Kedourie, Democracy and Arab Political Culture, 5–6.
17. Gellner, Muslim Society, 1.
18. Lewis, “Islam and Liberal Democracy,” sec. 4, para. 7.
19. Gellner, “Islam and Marxism.”
20. Gellner, “Islam and Marxism,” 5.
21. Gellner, Muslim Society; Gellner, “Islam and Marxism.”
22. Ahmed uses this term to describe the vast geographic spread of the Islamic civilization (Ahmed, What Is Islam?).
23. Kedourie, Democracy and Arab Political Culture, 10.
24. Kedourie, Democracy and Arab Political Culture, 13.
25. Lewis, “Islam and Liberal Democracy.”
26. Lewis, “Freedom and Justice,” 39.
27. Lewis, “Freedom and Justice,” 40.
28. Lewis, “Islam and Liberal Democracy”; Lewis, “Freedom and Justice.”
29. Lewis, “Islam and Liberal Democracy.”
30. Lewis, “Islam and Liberal Democracy”; Lewis, “Freedom and Justice.”
31. Lewis, “Islam and Liberal Democracy”; Lewis, “Freedom and Justice.”
32. Kuru, Islam, Authoritarianism, and Underdevelopment.
33. Lewis, “Islam and Liberal Democracy”; Lewis, “Freedom and Justice.”
34. Lewis, “Islam and Liberal Democracy”; Lewis, “Freedom and Justice.”
35. Lewis, “Islam and Liberal Democracy”; Lewis, “Freedom and Justice.”
36. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy; Esposito and Voll, Islam and Democracy; Filali-Ansary, “Muslims and Democracy.”
37. Esposito and Voll, Islam and Democracy; Ramadan, Islam, the West and Challenges of Modernity; Sachedina, Islamic Roots of Democratic Pluralism; El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy; Hashemi, Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy.
38. Esposito and Voll, Islam and Democracy; Moaddel, Islamic Modernism, Nationalism, and Fundamentalism; March, Caliphate of Man.
39. Ramadan, Islam, the West and Challenges of Modernity; Sachedina, Islamic Roots of Democratic Pluralism; El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy; Hashemi, Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy.
40. Filali-Ansary, “Muslims and Democracy,” 30.
41. Esposito and Voll, Islam and Democracy.
42. Ayoob, “Political Islam.”
43. Iqbal, Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam, as cited in, Esposito and Voll, Islam and Democracy, 29.
44. Esposito and Voll, Islam and Democracy, 30.
45. Schmitter and Karl, “What Democracy Is,” 78.
46. Acemoglu and Robinson, Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy; Tilly, Contention and Democracy in Europe.
47. Crone, God’s Rule; Lapidus, “Separation of State and Religion.”
48. Lapidus, “Separation of State and Religion.”
49. Thompson, Justice Interrupted.
50. An-Náim, Islam and the Secular State; El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy; Hashemi, Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy.
51. An-Náim, Islam and the Secular State.
52. An-Náim, Islam and the Secular State.
53. An-Náim, Islam and the Secular State, 284.
54. An-Náim, Islam and the Secular State.
55. Hashemi, Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy.
56. Hashemi, Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy.
57. Hashemi, Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy, 2.
58. Hashemi, Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy, 34.
59. Filali-Ansary, “Muslims and Democracy.”
60. Hashemi, Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy, 67.
61. Hashemi, Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy, 63.
62. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy. This section largely draws from El Fadl’s essay. Citations are reserved for specific arguments taken from this essay and direct quotes.
63. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy, 4.
64. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy, 4–5.
65. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy, 5.
66. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy, 5–6.
67. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy, 6.
68. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy, 7.
69. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy, 13.
70. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy, 13–15; see also Abdelkader, Social Justice in Islam.
71. Esposito and Voll, Islam and Democracy.
72. Rahman, “Principle of ‘Shūrā’ and Role of Umma.”
73. Al-Sadr, “Introduction to Islamic Political System.”
74. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy, 18. El Fadl uses similar reasoning for mercy as a religious value. In the Koranic discourse, mercy means being just to oneself and the others by giving everyone their due. Mercy, thus, is related to a sincere perception of others, recognizing their diversity and being tolerant to one another. Like justice, mercy is a foundational principle of democracy that is more significant than procedural antecedents like ijmāʿ.
75. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy, 18.
76. Sachedina, Islamic Roots of Democratic Pluralism; El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy.
77. Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism; Renan, “Islamism and Science”; Kedourie, Democracy and Arab Political Culture; Lewis, “Islam and Liberal Democracy”; Gellner, Muslim Society; Huntington, “Clash of Civilizations.”
78. Iqbal, Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam; Rahman, “Principle of ‘Shūrā’ and Role of Umma”; for an overview see Esposito and Voll, Islam and Democracy.
79. Hashemi, Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy.
80. An-Náim, Islam and the Secular State.
81. Ramadan, Islam, the West and Challenges of Modernity.
82. Sachedina, Islamic Roots of Democratic Pluralism.
83. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy.
84. Tessler, “Islam and Democracy”; Jamal, “Reassessing Support for Islam and Democracy”; Ciftci, “Modernization, Islam, or Social Capital”; Tessler, Jamal, and Robbins, “New Findings on Arabs and Democracy”; Spierings, “Influence of Islamic Orientations”; Driessen, “Sources of Muslim Democracy.”
CHAPTER 3
1. Reported in Balcı, “ʿUmar (r.a),” accessed on June 22, 2020, available at https://www.lastprophet.info/Umar-r-a-a-leader-crowned-with-truth-and-justice.
2. Crone, God’s Rule; Lapidus, “Separation of State and Religion.”
3. Abdelkader, Social Justice in Islam; El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy; Ahmed, What Is Islam?
4. Abdelkader, Social Justice in Islam; El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy.
5. For a detailed account of this proposition, see Ahmed, What Is Islam?
6. Kemal, “And Seek Their Council”; Keddie, Islamic Response to Imperialism; Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice.
7. Thompson, Justice Interrupted.
8. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam; Shariati, “Man and Islam.”
9. El-Affendi, Who Needs an Islamic State?
10. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice.
11. Khadduri has provided a detailed account of the history of conceptions of justice and ideas in his masterpiece, Islamic Conception of Justice. The literal, interpretative, and hermeneutical analysis of justice as a central value is usually done in the context of broad questions such as the meaning of Islam (Ahmed, What Is Islam?), human rights and democracy (Karagiannis, New Political Islam), or Islamist activism (Abdelkader, Social Justice in Islam). For notable studies in the semantic analysis of justice in relation to the hermeneutical study of the Koran, see Izutsu, Ethico-Religious Concepts in the Qurʾan. Recently, Abbas Mirakhor and Hossein Askari (Conceptions of Justice) provided a conceptual evolution of justice from the early period of Islam to the modern age and, in comparison, to the Western conceptions of justice.
12. Ahmed, What Is Islam?
13. There is a voluminous literature on religion and politics supporting this statement. Some recent examples include Fish, Are Muslims Distinctive? Bloom, Arikan, and Courtemanche, “Religious Social Identity”; Grzymała-Busse, Nations under God; Djupe and Claassen, Evangelical Crackup? Ciftci, Wuthrich, and Shamaileh, “Islam, Religious Outlooks, and Support.”
14. Philpott, “Political Ambivalence of Religion.”
15. Al-Mawdudi, “Islam in Transition”; Qutb, Social Justice in Islam; Abdelkader, Social Justice in Islam; Ahmed, What Is Islam? March, Caliphate of Man.
16. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice.
17. Ahmed, What Is Islam?
18. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice; Moaddel, Islamic Modernism, Nationalism, and Fundamentalism; Ayoob, “Challenging Hegemony.”
19. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice, 6.
20. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice, 6; Mirakhor and Askari, Conceptions of Justice, 182–185.
21. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice, 6.
22. Some examples include, “Allah witnesses that there is no deity except Him, and [so do] the angels and those of knowledge—[that He is] maintaining [creation] in justice. There is no deity except Him, the Exalted in Might, the Wise” (3:18); “O you who have believed, be persistently standing firm for Allah, witnesses in justice, and do not let the hatred of a people prevent you from being just. Be just; that is nearer to righteousness. And fear Allah; indeed, Allah is Acquainted with what you do” (5:8); “Indeed, Allah orders justice and good conduct and giving to relatives and forbids immorality and bad conduct and oppression. He admonishes you that perhaps you will be reminded” (16:90); “Indeed, Allah commands you to render trusts to whom they are due and when you judge between people to judge with justice” (4:58). The translations of the verses are taken from Saheeh International, available at http://www.quran.com.
23. Khadduri views this debate as dialectical, where usually two parties struggle to establish a paradigm of justice and, eventually, a new synthesis is reached. This intellectual synthesis becomes a source of new disagreement among scholars until its resolution. My theory about the duality of political and social justice, and the implications of this distinction, is greatly inspired by this perspective (Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice, 1–3).
24. I use the time frame “early period of Islam” to refer to the period extending from the preaching of Muhammad in Mecca and hijra (the migration of Prophet from Mecca to Medina in A.D. 622) to the end of the Abbasid Golden Age (A.D. 861).
25. The accompanying intellectual debates taking place around the notion of justice came to prevalence over time. For example, during the age of constitutional revolutions in the Middle East in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the social and political injustices were attributed to domestic tyranny and foreign intervention. Intellectuals proposed popular sovereignty and constitutional government as two instruments for establishing justice.
26. Crone, God’s Rule.
27. Ayoob, “Political Islam.”
28. Crone, God’s Rule; Lapidus, “Separation of State and Religion”; Lapidus, History of Islamic Societies; Hodgson, Venture of Islam.
29. March, “Genealogies of Sovereignty.”
30. The discussion in this section makes gross generalizations for the sake of simplicity and for stylistically developing the argument presented in this chapter. The Shia and Sunni theories of imamate involved deeper discussions and took centuries to consolidate (see Hodgson, Venture of Islam; Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Thought).
31. Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Thought.
32. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice, 19. This argument has led some contemporary political theorists to define the political theology of Islam in terms of popular sovereignty (March, Caliphate of Man).
33. This section largely draws on the historical account provided by Majid Khadduri (Islamic Conception of Justice).
34. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice, 23.
35. Kalam (Islamic scholastic theology) is the field where most of these debates unfolded. See Fakhry, History of Islamic Philosophy, for an excellent treatment about the development of this field.
36. To demonstrate this position, Majid Khadduri cites a letter written by the Umayyad caliph al-Walīd II to his governors explaining his decision to appoint two of his sons as his successors. In this letter, al-Walīd presents the caliphate as a divine institution that ensures the implementation of order and justice and argues that obedience to the caliph is necessary, because God predetermined everything and those who rebel will earn the displeasure of God (Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice, 25–26).
37. For example, the rationalist Muʿtazila and traditional/legalist Hanbali School found themselves at the center of a political crisis in the early ninth century during the reign of Abbasid caliph al-Maʾmūn. The disagreement concerned religious doctrine, but it was tied to the political ideologies of the time. This event is important, because it signifies the separation of religious and political authority and the power of the former to hold the latter accountable in the name of justice and religious principles (Lapidus, “Separation of State and Religion”).
38. El-Affendi, Who Needs an Islamic State?
39. El-Affendi, Who Needs an Islamic State? 170–183.
40. This term was first used by Hodgson to refer to the religious community that refused to endorse any particular claim about the caliphate and accepted the doctrine of Rashidun caliphs. They relied on traditional interpretations of Koran and hadith and came to form the Sunni sect (Hodgson, Venture of Islam).
41. Hodgson, Venture of Islam, 241.
42. Hodgson, Venture of Islam, 248.
43. Hodgson, Venture of Islam, 250.
44. Hodgson, Venture of Islam; Lapidus, “Separation of State and Religion”; Crone, God’s Rule.
45. Hodgson, Venture of Islam.
46. El-Affendi, Who Needs an Islamic State?
47. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice.
48. Ahmed, What Is Islam?
49. Harris, “Martyrs’ Welfare State and Its Contradictions.”
50. Beblawi and Luciani, Rentier State.
51. Murphy, “Saudi King Unveils Massive Spending Package.”
52. Quisay and Parker, “Thought, On the Theology of Obedience.” Bin Bayyah is a traditional scholar of Mauritanian origin with significant credentials in the field of ʾuṣūl al-fiqh. He has close ties to the monarchs in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.
53. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice, 174–177.
54. Darling, Social Justice and Political Power.
55. Abdelkader, Social Justice in Islam.
56. Ahmed, What Is Islam? 471.
57. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice; Abdelkader, Social Justice in Islam; Ahmed, What Is Islam?
58. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice, 174–177.
59. Danışman, Koçi Bey Risalesi.
60. Tanzimat refers to the series of educational, political, military, and economic reforms that were carried to reverse the decline of the state between 1840 and 1870.
61. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice, 177–182.
62. Ahmed, What Is Islam? 453–463.
63. N. Feldman, Fall and Rise of the Islamic State; Filali-Ansary, “Muslims and Democracy.”
64. Kuru, Islam, Authoritarianism, and Underdevelopment. Kuru’s theory differs from that of Noah Feldman (Fall and Rise of the Islamic State), who argues that ulema plays a critical role in constraining the ruler. Feldman’s argument is similar to Filali-Ansary’s notion of the “medieval compromise” (Filali-Ansary, “Muslims and Democracy,” 27–28) that refers to an implicit agreement between the rulers and the subjects. In the classical medieval Islamic state, implementation of sharia in social, economic, and political realms ensured a just social order alongside political legitimacy. In this setting, ulema played a central role and viewed themselves as “the guardians of prophetic tradition.”
65. Farabi, On the Perfect State.
66. Farabi, On the Perfect State.
67. Ahmed, What Is Islam? 463.
68. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy.
69. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice, chap. 8.
70. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice, 179–180.
71. Levitsky and Ziblatt, How Democracies Die.
72. Kuru, Islam, Authoritarianism, and Underdevelopment.
73. Kuru, Islam, Authoritarianism, and Underdevelopment.
74. Yavuz, “Turkey: Islam without Shariʿa?”
75. Gellner, “Islam and Marxism.”
76. Some scholars employ modern ideas to reconstruct a political theology of obedience based on the classical Islamic state. A notable example includes the Mauritanian scholar who has been advising the ruling family in the United Arab Emirates (Quisay and Parker, “Thought, On the Theology of Obedience”). State-controlled religious organizations such as Turkey’s Directorate of Religious Affairs play a similar role.
77. Kedourie, Democracy and Arab Political Culture; Quisay and Parker, “Thought, On the Theology of Obedience.”
78. Keddie, Islamic Response to Imperialism; Kemal, “And Seek Their Council”; Ayoob, “Challenging Hegemony”; Iqbal, Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam; Moaddel, Islamic Modernism, Nationalism, and Fundamentalism.
79. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice, 197–198.
80. Keddie, Islamic Response to Imperialism; Sedgwick, Muhammad Abduh; Kemal, “And Seek Their Council.”
81. De Mesquita et al., Logic of Political Survival; Svolik, Politics of Authoritarian Rule; Ciftci, “Self-Expression Values.”
82. Ciftci, Wuthrich, and Shamaileh, “Islam, Religious Outlooks, and Support.”
83. Clark, Islam, Charity and Activism; Grewal et al., “Poverty and Divine Rewards.”
84. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice; Ahmed, What Is Islam?
85. Acemoglu and Robinson, Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy.
86. Boix, Democracy and Redistribution.
87. Acemoglu and Robinson, Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy.
88. Levitsky and Ziblatt, How Democracies Die.
89. Kuru, Islam, Authoritarianism, and Underdevelopment.
90. An-Náim, Islam and the Secular State.
91. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy.
92. Tessler, “Islam and Democracy”; Ciftci, “Modernization, Islam, or Social Capital”; Menchik, Islam and Democracy in Indonesia; Ciftci, Wuthrich, and Shamaileh, “Islam, Religious Outlooks, and Support”; Spierings, “Influence of Islamic Orientations.”
93. Ramadan, Western Muslims and the Future of Islam.
94. Jamal and Robbins, “Social Justice and the Arab Uprisings.”
CHAPTER 4
1. Abdelkader, Social Justice in Islam; Hashemi, Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy; Bayat, “Revolution without Movement.”
2. Masoud, Counting Islam.
3. Praxis is defined as a “practical-critical” activity, a combination of practice and theory in a Marxist sense (Marx, “Theses on Feuerbach [1845]”). My attempt to unfold the linkages between Islamic theory and the struggle for justice in Qutb’s and Shariati’s philosophy follows Frankfurt School’s and especially Horkheimer’s approach to praxis (Horkheimer, Critical Theory).
4. This term is brought to prominence by Lyotard (Postmodern Condition) in his discussion of modernism (Ciftci, “Modernden Postmoderne Iktidar”).
5. This sentence, and the remainder of this paragraph, draws heavily on Ahmed, What Is Islam? chap. 3, esp. pp. 177–197.
6. Ahmed, What Is Islam? 209.
7. Lorenz, “Emergence of Social Justice”; Rawls, Theory of Justice.
8. March, Caliphate of Man; Tamimi, Rachid Ghannouchi.
9. An-Náim, Muslims and Global Justice, 1.
10. March, “Taking People as They Are.”
11. Much earlier than Qutb and Shariati, Muhammad Abduh used tawhid as a fundamental principle organizing social, economic, and political life. Abduh combines the tawhid principle with such concepts as free will, obedience to God, and rationality of the scriptures as foundations of perfect Islamic society (Sedgwick, Muhammad Abduh).
12. The following discussion builds on Qutb’s Social Justice in Islam and Shariati’s multiple works. I sparingly use citations for the direct quotes and when a discussion heavily relies on the terminology of the texts.
13. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam.
14. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 41.
15. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam; Qutb, Milestones.
16. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 44.
17. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 45.
18. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 47–48.
19. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 49.
20. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 52.
21. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 53.
22. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 55.
23. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 59.
24. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 60.
25. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 68.
26. The Prophet Muhammad, as recorded in al-Qudai, Musnad al-Shihab, I, 145.
27. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 79.
28. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 86.
29. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 90.
30. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 94–95.
31. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 99.
32. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 99–102.
33. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 119–120.
34. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 121.
35. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 124.
36. Iqbal, Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam; Rahman, “Principle of ‘Shūrā’ and Role of Umma”; El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy; An-Náim, Islam and the Secular State.
37. An-Nawawi, Forty Hadith of An-Nawawi, 32.
38. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 134.
39. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 150–162.
40. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 162–164.
41. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 205.
42. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 215.
43. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 205–210.
44. Qutb, Milestones.
45. Abrahamian, “ʿAli Shariati,” 16.
46. Shariati, “Worldview of Tawhid.”
47. Shariati, “Worldview of Tawhid,” 87.
48. Shariati, “World Vision,” sec. Kindle Locations, 586–588.
49. Shariati, “World Vision,” sec. Kindle Locations, 608–618.
50. In Religion vs Religion, Shariati argues that most human history can be understood as a struggle between monotheist religion and polytheist religion rather than as a struggle between religion and nonreligion (Shariati, Religion vs Religion).
51. Shariati, “World Vision,” secs. 608–618.
52. Shariati, “Man and Islam.”
53. Similar to Qutbian equilibrium between spiritual and material, the Shariatian two-dimensionality in man creates a balance between worldliness and spiritual.
54. Shariati, “Man and Islam,” sec. Kindle Locations, 391–393.
55. Shariati, “Modern Man and His Prisons.”
56. Shariati, “Modern Man and His Prisons,” sec. Kindle Locations, 1160.
57. This paragraph provides a general overview of Shariati’s influential essay titled “Modern Man and His Prisons.”
58. Shariati, “Modern Man and His Prisons,” sec. Kindle Locations, 1379–1380.
59. Shariati, “Eslam-Shenasi (Islamology),” 79.
60. Danesh and Abniki, “Relation between Liberty and Justice,” 1.
61. Shariati, “Modern Man and His Prisons.”
62. Shariati, “Eslam-Shenasi (Islamology)”; Shariati, “Modern Man and His Prisons”; Shariati, “Man and Islam.”
63. Shariati, “Eslam-Shenasi (Islamology)”; Shariati, “Modern Man and His Prisons”; Shariati, “Man and Islam”; Shariati, “Reflections of a Concerned Muslim.”
64. Shariati, “Reflections of a Concerned Muslim.”
65. Shariati, “Reflections of a Concerned Muslim.”
66. Shariati, “And Once Again Abu-Dhar,” pt. 5, accessed on May 28, 2018, available at http://www.shariati.com/kotob.html.
67. Shariati, “And Once Again Abu-Dhar,” pt. 5, accessed on May 28, 2018, available at http://www.shariati.com/kotob.html.
68. Shariati, “Reflections of a Concerned Muslim,” pt. 5, accessed on May 28, 2021, available at http://www.shariati.com/english/reflect/reflect2.html.
69. El-Affendi, Who Needs an Islamic State?, 171–183.
70. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam.
71. Shariati, Man and Islam; Shariati, Religion vs Religion; Shariati, “And Once Again Abu-Dhar.”
72. Al-Mawdudi, “Islam in Transition.”
73. Nasr, Mawdudi and the Making of Islamic Revivalism.
74. Al-Rikabi, “Bāqir al-Ṣadr and the Islamic State”; Jamalzadeh, “Sociopolitical Justice.”
75. Tamimi, Rachid Ghannouchi; March, Caliphate of Man.
76. March, Caliphate of Man.
77. This brief overview hardly captures the sophisticated political philosophy of al-Ghannūshī. Two excellent and detailed accounts of al-Ghannūshī are Andrew March’s Caliphate of Man and Azzam Tamimi’s Rachid Ghannouchi.
78. Yavuz and Esposito, Turkish Islam and the Secular State; Yavuz, Toward an Islamic Enlightenment; Markham and Pirim, Introduction to Said Nursi.
79. Vahide, Islam in Modern Turkey.
80. Nursi, Risale-i Nur Külliyatì.
81. Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey.
82. Lorenz, “Emergence of Social Justice”; Rawls, Theory of Justice; Smith, Emergence of Liberation Theology.
CHAPTER 5
1. Phillips and Hardy, “Understanding Discourse Analysis.”
2. Hardy, Harley, and Phillips, “Discourse Analysis and Content Analysis,” 20.
3. Weedon, Feminist Practice and Post-Structuralist Theory, 108.
4. Foucault, Discipline and Punish; Foucault, Archaeology of Knowledge.
5. Bartky, “Foucault, Femininity, and the Modernization,” 61–86.
6. El-Affendi, Who Needs an Islamic State?
7. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice.
8. Thompson, Justice Interrupted.
9. Ayoob, “Challenging Hegemony.”
10. Türköne, Siyasi Ideoloji Olarak Islamciligin Dogusu.
11. Yavuz, “Turkey: Islam without Shariʿa?”
12. Tuğal, Passive Revolution.
13. The same label is used in the names of not only the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey but other Islamist parties: two examples are Justice and Development Party in Morocco (PJD) and Prosperous Justice Party in Indonesia (PKS).
14. Surprisingly, as the analysis presented here demonstrates, the debate about Islam and democracy is only marginally relevant for the Turkish Islamists since the 1960s.
15. Karpat, Politicization of Islam; Yavuz, “Turkey: Islam without Shariʿa.”
16. Kara, Türkiye’de İslamcılık Düşüncesi (I–II), 27.
17. Karpat, Politicization of Islam; Yavuz, Nostalgia for the Empire.
18. Yavuz, “Nationalism and Islam”; Cetinsaya, “Rethinking Nationalism and Islam.”
19. Yavuz, “Nationalism and Islam.”
20. Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey.
21. Kara, Türkiye’de İslamcılık Düşüncesi (I–II); Özdalga, “Necip Fazıl Kısakürek”; Altun, “Alternatif Tarih Yazmak”; Duran, “Cumhuriyet Dönemi İslamcılığı.”
22. Özdalga, “Necip Fazıl Kısakürek”; Altun, “Alternatif Tarih Yazmak”; Duran, “Cumhuriyet Dönemi İslamcılığı.”
23. Yavuz, Nostalgia for the Empire.
24. Karpat, Gecekondu.
25. Karpat, Gecekondu.
26. Yavuz, Secularism and Muslim Democracy in Turkey; Madi-Sisman, Muslims, Money, and Democracy in Turkey.
27. The rise of the AKP since 2002 is the most significant development in the Islamist sociopolitical reality. The focus of this chapter is on the period of 1960–2010, and it only covers the first two terms of the AKP in power.
28. Cizre-Sakallioglu and Cinar, “Turkey 2002.”
29. Işık, Köroğlu, and Sezgin, 1960–1980 Arası İslamcı Dergiler; Kara, Türkiye’de İslamcılık Düşüncesi (I–II).
30. Tuğal, Passive Revolution; Kara, Türkiye’de İslamcılık Düşüncesi (I–II); Madi-Sisman, Muslims, Money, and Democracy in Turkey.
31. Gumuscu, “Class, Status, and Party.”
32. Işık, Köroğlu, and Sezgin, 1960–1980 Arası İslamcı Dergiler.
33. Ayoob, “Challenging Hegemony”; Ayoob, “Political Islam.”
34. Kara, Türkiye’de İslamcılık Düşüncesi (I–II), 17.
35. In Turkish, “İslâmcılık, XIX–XX. yüzyılda İslâmı bir bütün olarak (inanç, ibadet, ahlâk, felsefe, siyaset, hukuk, eğitim. . .) ‘yeniden’ hayata hâkim kılmak ve akılcı bir metotla Müslümanları, İslâm dünyasını batı sömürüsünden, zalim ve müstebit yöneticilerden, esaretten, taklitten, hurafelerden kurtarmak, medenileştirmek, birleştirmek ve kalkındırmak uğruna yapılan aktivist ve eklektik yönleri baskın siyasî, fikrî ve ilmî çalışmaların, arayışların bütününü ihtiva eden bir düşünce ve harekettir.”
36. Bulaç, “Islamcilik Nedir?” para. 4. In Turkish: “İslamcılık, İslam’ın ana referans kaynaklarından hareketle ‘yeni’ bir insan, toplum, siyaset/devlet ve dünya tasavvurunu, buna bağlı yeni bir sosyal örgütlenme modelini ve evrensel anlamda İslam Birliği’ni hedefleyen entelektüel, ahlaki, toplumsal, ekonomik, politik ve devletler arası harekettir. Başka bir deyişle İslam’ın hayat bulması, hükümlerinin uygulanması, dünyanin her tarihsel ve toplumsal durumunda İslam’a göre yeniden kurulması ideali ve çabasıdır.”
37. Türköne, Siyasi Ideoloji Olarak Islamciligin Dogusu.
38. Kemal, “And Seek Their Council.”
39. Ersoy, Safahat; Cetinsaya, “Rethinking Nationalism and Islam.”
40. Türköne, Siyasi Ideoloji Olarak Islamciligin Dogusu.
41. Maydan, “Islam and Islamism in Turkey,” sec. 7, para. 1.
42. Ayoob, “Challenging Hegemony.”
43. Wallerstein, “Islam, the West, and the World”; Wallerstein, “Political Construction of Islam.”
44. Madi-Sisman and Sisman, “Immanuel Wallerstein, Islam, Islamists.” A similar view is proposed by Tuğal (Passive Revolution).
45. ʿAli Shariati’s thought is inspired by the Shiite tradition that has developed a theology of justice against tyranny based on traumas related to the massacre of ʿAli’s children and prosecution of Shia scholars or people throughout history. Ayatollah Khomeini, for example, used this framework to revoke historical traumas in the context of the shah’s repressive regimes. He especially used the notion of ẓulm (tyranny) to invite people to rebellion in the wake of Islamic Revolution. Khomeini defines ẓulm in the broadest terms as “oppression or transgression against the self or other people.” Ẓulm is the opposite of justice and its existence justifies rebellion against domestic tyrants (Khomeini, “Theory of Justice”). The same ideology was also put at the service of anti-Americanism as a rallying point in Iran.
46. Türköne, Siyasi Ideoloji Olarak Islamciligin Dogusu.
47. See Elizabeth Özdalga for a scholarly treatment of Kısakürek’s work (Özdalga, “Necip Fazıl Kısakürek”).
48. Ibn Taymiyya (2012, 230, 258–259), cited in Michot, “Mamlūks, Qalandars, Rāfidīs.”
49. Köroğlu, “Türkiye’de İslamcılık Düşüncesinin Seyrini Dergiler Üzerinden Okumak.” One of the first Islamist journals Sırat-ı Müstakim/Sebilürreşad was edited by Eşref Edip and the leading author of the journal was Mehmed Akif. The journal was published between 1908 and 1925 until it was banned by the government. The journal started its second period during 1948–1966, and it is acknowledged as the most influential Islamist journal.
50. Işık, Köroğlu, and Sezgin, 1960–1980 Arası İslamcı Dergiler. The analysis utilizes some articles during the AKP period, but the bulk of the articles come from the journals published before 2002.
51. The digitizing effort is carried by the Islamist Journals Project, İDP, or İslamci Dergiler Projesi.
52. A research assistant helped with the collection of the archives and cross-checked the selection and elimination of articles.
53. The full list of journals in the İLEM Archives is presented in Table A5.1 in Appendix A.
54. Shariati, “Red Shi’ism”; Shariati, “Eslam-Shenasi (Islamology)”; Khomeini, “Theory of Justice”; Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Thought.
55. Ironically, the opposite of justice (adalet, adalah) is not zulüm, rather it is jawr (جور), which is only sporadically used to refer to injustice and transgression in the post-1980 Islamist writings (see Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice, for a discussion of the etymology of adalah and jawr).
56. Sevgili, “Allahın Adaleti,” 14.
57. Pilavoğlu, “Dünya Medeniyetleri Arasında İslâm,” 8.
58. Tosun, “Mağaralarımızın Tıkaçlarına İlahi Çözüm,” 42.
59. Çağlak, “Ebedi Adalet,” 35.
60. Yeniçeri, “İslâm’da Ölçü ve Tartı,” 11.
61. Emiroğlu, “İnsanlık Âdil İdareye Muhtaçtır,” 11.
62. Altunkaya, “Mevlid-i Şerif’inin 1480,” 18.
63. Eliaçık, “Sivil Dönüşüm,” 44.
64. Yazgan, “Adalet ve Zulüm,” 20.
65. In a sophisticated account of 1960s Turkish intellectual landscape, Yavuz argues that the Ottoman Empire is presented as the golden age by Turkish Islamists (Yavuz, Nostalgia for the Empire).
66. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice.
67. Eliaçık, “Adalet ’Kozmos’un Temelidir,” 62.
68. Eliaçık, “İslam Uygarlığı Tarihten Mi Çekiliyor?” 44.
69. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy.
70. An-Náim, Islam and the Secular State.
71. Yıldırım, “Şura, Biat ve Adalet Temeldir.”
72. Ayoob, “Challenging Hegemony.”
73. Türköne, Siyasi Ideoloji Olarak Islamciligin Dogusu.
74. İkiz, “Tahkirciler,” 62.
75. Editorial, “Adalet, Politikaya Alet Edilemez,” 16.
76. Editorial, “İslam’ın Kayıp Savaşçıları ve Susturulan Adalet Çığlığı,” 58.
77. Altunkaya, “Mevlid-i Şerif’inin 1480,” 18.
78. Çakır, “Amerikan Adaleti ve Zenciler,” 16.
79. Türkmen, “Toplumu Kuran Ekseninde Donusturmeyi Esas Almaliyiz.”
80. Yavuz, Nostalgia for the Empire.
81. Kemal, “And Seek Their Council.”
82. Sarfati, “Challenging Hegemony.”
83. Yenigun, “New Antinomies of the Islamic Movement.”
84. Emre, “‘Müslümancılık’ Ya Da Klan Siyaseti.”
CHAPTER 6
1. Tarlabaşı is a neighborhood in the Beyoğlu district of Istanbul. In the 1990s, it was occupied by the Kurds migrating from the Southeastern provinces. Currently, it is a neighborhood hosting African immigrants, Kurds, the poor and homeless individuals, and a sizable transgender community.
2. Some of these groups include Labor and Justice Platform, Anticapitalist Muslims, and the Movement against the Violence toward Women. I discuss some activities of these groups in this chapter.
3. Sarfati, “Challenging Hegemony.”
4. Melucci, Challenging Codes; Castells, Networks of Outrage and Hope.
5. Bayat, “Revolution without Movement.”
6. I am indebted to one of my interviewees for inspiring this concept. He tirelessly explained to me how charity by government imposed hierarchical relations and structures of domination, whereas true Islamic activism was based on nonhierarchical, egalitarian helping.
7. Yenigun, “New Antinomies of the Islamic Movement.”
8. Emek ve Adalet Platformu, “Emek ve Adalet’ten Gezi Parkı Bildirisi.”
9. Hodgson, Venture of Islam; Yenigun, “New Antinomies of the Islamic Movement.”
10. Eliaçık, Adalet Devleti.
11. Nurtsch, “Koran and Social Justice.”
12. Emre, “‘Müslümancılık’ Ya Da Klan Siyaseti.”
13. Yenigun, “New Antinomies of the Islamic Movement.”
14. Hodgson, Venture of Islam.
15. Yenigun, “New Antinomies of the Islamic Movement,” 239.
16. Yenigun, “New Antinomies of the Islamic Movement,” 240.
17. The Uludere incident occurred on December 28, 2011, when two Turkish jet fighters bombed a convoy of civilian smugglers, judging them to be militants of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). Later, the government refused to apologize and compensate these victims, an episode that created much controversy in Turkish politics.
18. Haber7, “5 Yıldızlı Otel Karşısında Yerde Iftar.”
19. This fieldwork is supported by the Global Religion Research Initiative at Notre Dame University (Award #BG5225). The University Research Compliance Office at Kansas State University has reviewed the field proposal and approved it (IRB approval #8776).
20. Demographic information about the interviewees and the core questions used in the interviews are presented in Appendixes A and B. I also had follow-up conversations with the participants, but these secondary meetings were not recorded. In addition to interviews, I also attended several events organized by these groups.
21. Throughout this chapter, I provide excerpts from the recorded interviews in text. In these citations, I use pseudonyms to protect the identity of the interviewees and to comply with the ethical guidelines of field research.
22. Lorenz, “Emergence of Social Justice.”
23. Hodgson, Venture of Islam; El-Affendi, Who Needs an Islamic State?
24. Lapidus, “Separation of State and Religion.”
25. Kuru, Islam, Authoritarianism, and Underdevelopment.
26. Moaddel, Islamic Modernism, Nationalism, and Fundamentalism; Ayoob, “Political Islam.”
27. Shariati, Man and Islam; Qutb, Social Justice in Islam.
28. This notion is derived from the following verse in the Koran: “O you who have believed, be persistently standing firm for Allah, witnesses in justice, and do not let the hatred of a people prevent you from being just. Be just; that is nearer to righteousness. And fear Allah; indeed, Allah is acquainted with what you do.” (Koran, 5:8).
29. El-Affendi, Who Needs an Islamic State? An-Náim, Islam and the Secular State.
30. Hale is referring to the adjectives in the name of the Justice and Development Party and presenting a criticism of their modernization approach neglecting justice.
31. An-Náim, Islam and the Secular State.
32. Norris, Critical Citizens.
33. Gellner, Muslim Society; Kedourie, Democracy and Arab Political Culture; Lewis, “Islam and Liberal Democracy: Historical Overview.”
CHAPTER 7
1. Brannen, Haig, and Schmidt, “Age of Mass Protests.”
2. Sim, “FIFA World Cup 2014.”
3. Nurtsch, “Koran and Social Justice.”
4. Licht, Goldschmidt, and Schwartz, “Culture Rules”; Gorodnichenko and Roland, “Culture, Institutions and Democratization.”
5. Kyriacou, “Individualism–Collectivism, Governance and Economic Development”; Licht, Goldschmidt, and Schwartz, “Culture Rules”; Pitlik and Rode, “Individualistic Values, Institutional Trust.”
6. Gellner, Muslim Society; Huntington, “Clash of Civilizations”; Kedourie, Democracy and Arab Political Culture; Lewis, “Islam and Liberal Democracy: Historical Overview.”
7. Esposito and Voll, Islam and Democracy; Sachedina, Islamic Roots of Democratic Pluralism; Kemal, “And Seek Their Council”; El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy; Ramadan, Islam, the West and Challenges of Modernity; March, Caliphate of Man; Hashemi, Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy.
8. Tessler, “Islam and Democracy”; Tessler, Islam and Politics; Jamal, “Reassessing Support for Islam and Democracy”; Rizzo, Abdel-Latif, and Meyer, “Gender Equality and Democracy”; Ciftci, “Modernization, Islam, or Social Capital”; Fish, Are Muslims Distinctive? Spierings, “Influence of Islamic Orientations”; Driessen, “Sources of Muslim Democracy.”
9. Rose, “Does Islam Make People Anti-Democratic?”; Tessler, “Islam and Democracy.”
10. Karakoç and Başkan, “Religion in Politics”; Ciftci, “Secular-Islamist Cleavage, Values, and Support”; Driessen, “Sources of Muslim Democracy.”
11. Fish, Are Muslims Distinctive? Spierings, “Influence of Islamic Orientations.”
12. Ciftci, Wuthrich, and Shamaileh, “Islam, Religious Outlooks, and Support.”
13. Hasan, “Social Justice in Islam.”
14. Koran, 2:215.
15. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam.
16. Shariati, “And Once Again Abu-Dhar.”
17. Kuran, Islam and Mammon.
18. Clark, Islam, Charity, and Activism; Cammett and Issar, “Bricks and Mortar Clientelism.”
19. Davis and Robinson, “Egalitarian Face of Islamic Orthodoxy,” 167.
20. Acemoglu and Robinson, Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy.
21. Boix, Democracy and Redistribution; Acemoglu and Robinson, Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy.
22. For example, the following verse is cited during Friday sermons in many parts of the Muslim world: “Verily, Allah commands ‘Adl (fairness, equity, justice) ʾIḥsān (excellence in servitude to Allah, benevolence towards people, graciousness in dealings) and giving to those close to you, while He forbids fahshā (lewdness, indecency, licentiousness, immorality), munkar (bad actions, undesirable activities, generally unaccepted behavior, not fulfilling one’s obligations), and baghy (rebellion, transgressing limits, exploiting or violating others’ rights, abuse of authority or freedom). He admonishes you so that you heed the activity” (Koran 16:90). Explanations of the terms, in parentheses, are taken from several English translations of the Koran.
23. An-Nawawi n.d., 32.
24. An-Náim, Islam and the Secular State.
25. Putnam, Bowling Alone; Uslaner, “Democracy and Social Capital”; Newton, “Trust, Social Capital, Civil Society, and Democracy.”
26. An-Náim, Islam and the Secular State.
27. Shariati, “Worldview of Tawhid.”
28. Qutb, Social Justice in Islam, 99.
29. Greif and Laitin, “Theory of Endogenous Institutional Change”; Schwartz, Values and Culture.
30. Weber, The Protestant Ethic and Spirit of Capitalism; Kyriacou, “Individualism–Collectivism, Governance and Economic Development”; Pitlik and Rode, “Individualistic Values, Institutional Trust.”
31. Gorodnichenko and Roland, “Culture, Institutions and Democratization”; Licht, Goldschmidt, and Schwartz, “Culture Rules.”
32. Licht, Goldschmidt, and Schwartz, “Culture Rules.”
33. Gorodnichenko and Roland, “Culture, Institutions and Democratization.” Schwartz specified three value dimensions based on his survey about main issues facing human societies. These dimensions are embeddedness/autonomy, hierarchy/egalitarianism, and mastery/harmony. Embeddedness refers to values that constrain the individual within the social hierarchy and norms in favor of group solidarity and order. The autonomy cultures, in contrast, emphasize individual uniqueness, autonomy, and initiative. The hierarchy/egalitarianism dimension contrasts the cultural emphasis on obedience against voluntary behavior dedicated to the welfare of others. Finally, the mastery cultures promote personal action for success whereas harmony cultures value acceptance of existing conditions and assign priority to the group (Schwartz, Values and Culture; Licht, Goldschmidt, and Schwartz, “Culture Rules.”)
34. Weber, The Protestant Ethic and Spirit of Capitalism.
35. La Porta et al., “Quality of Government.”
36. Aggregated religiosity may conform to individualistic or collectivist orientations leading to cross-national variation in this metric. At the individual level, a robust test of this hypothesis requires a nuanced measurement strategy recognizing various religious outlooks conducive to individualistic or collectivist orientations. The statistical analyses in this chapter use the survey data to account for this nuance.
37. Iannaccone, “Sacrifice and Stigma”; Chen and Lind, “Political Economy of Beliefs”; Pepinsky and Welborne, “Piety and Redistributive Preferences.”
38. Gellner, Muslim Society.
39. See Gorodnichenko and Roland, “Culture, Institutions and Democratization,” for a similar argument derived from a formal model.
40. Muslim-only respondents are obtained according to the following method: Respondents who report their identity as “Muslim” (Question X051); those who choose their religious group to be either Sunni, Shia, or Muslim (Question F025); and all respondents in countries where these questions were not asked in some surveys (e.g., Turkey).
41. Although the majority status of Muslims is debated in Nigeria and Lebanon, I include these cases given the relatively large share of the Muslim population in these countries.
42. Factor analysis shows that all four items strongly load on a single factor. The scale reliability coefficient (Cronbach’s alpha) is 0.49.
43. Pitlik and Rode, “Individualistic Values, Institutional Trust.”
44. Pitlik and Rode, “Individualistic Values, Institutional Trust.”
45. Schwartz, “Mapping and Interpreting Cultural Differences.”
46. Bandura, “Self-Efficacy.”
47. Rotter, “Generalized Expectancies.”
48. S. Feldman, “Structure and Consistency in Public Opinion.”
49. Pitlik and Rode, “Individualistic Values, Institutional Trust.”
50. It should be noted that Equation 2 is run with two indicators of individualistic value orientations. Therefore, in some models four equations are estimated at the same time. The results of factor analysis and measures of scaling do not justify index construction for these two items.
51. Some examples from the Koran include 4:36, 6:151, 17:23–24, 31:14–15. In a famous hadith, it is reported that Muhammad said: Stay with her (your mother), for Paradise is beneath her feet (Sunan al-Nasā’å 3104).
52. As for the control variables, no consistent or significant effects are detected for gender, age, income, and personal trust. However, at higher levels of education, individuals are more prodistribution, individualistic, and supportive of democracy. Women tend to hold more collectivist attitudes than men. Egalitarian gender beliefs decrease support for democracy.
53. Johnson, “On Church and Sect”; Stark and Finke, Acts of Faith; Djupe and Gilbert, Political Influence of Churches.
54. Ciftci, Wuthrich, and Shamaileh, Beyond Piety and Politics; Ciftci, Wuthrich, and Shamaileh, “Islam, Religious Outlooks, and Support.”
55. Davis and Robinson, “Egalitarian Face of Islamic Orthodoxy.”
56. Davis and Robinson, “Egalitarian Face of Islamic Orthodoxy.”
57. Davis and Robinson, “Egalitarian Face of Islamic Orthodoxy,” 169–170.
58. Stark and Finke, Acts of Faith.
59. Davis and Robinson, “Egalitarian Face of Islamic Orthodoxy,” 170.
60. Egypt and Saudi Arabia are dropped from the estimations reported here because some of the variables used in the seemingly unrelated regressions are not available for these countries.
61. These countries are Algeria, Azerbaijan, Iraq, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Lebanon, Malaysia, Morocco, Nigeria, Pakistan, Palestine, Tunisia, Turkey, Uzbekistan, and Yemen.
62. Davis and Robinson, “Egalitarian Face of Islamic Orthodoxy”; Pepinsky and Welborne, “Piety and Redistributive Preferences”; Ciftci, “Islam, Social Justice, and Democracy.”
CHAPTER 8
1. Hendawi, “Sudan’s ‘Nubian Queen’ Protester.”
2. Stepan and Robertson, “An ‘Arab’ More Than a ‘Muslim.’”
3. Esposito and Mogahed, “Battle for Muslims’ Hearts and Minds”; Tessler, Jamal, and Robbins, “New Findings on Arabs and Democracy.”
4. Khatib and Lust, Taking to the Streets.
5. Thompson, Justice Interrupted.
6. McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, “Comparative Perspectives on Contentious Politics.”
7. Bayat, Life as Politics; Beinin and Vairel, Social Movements, Mobilization, and Contestation; Khatib and Lust, Taking to the Streets.
8. Jamal and Robbins, “State of Social Justice in the Arab World.”
9. Moore, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy; North, Wallis, and Weingast, Violence and Social Orders; Blaydes and Chaney, “Feudal Revolution and Europe’s Rise.”
10. Moore, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy, 415–416.
11. Moore, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy; North, Wallis, and Weingast, Violence and Social Orders; Blaydes and Chaney, “Feudal Revolution and Europe’s Rise.”
12. Beinin, Workers and Peasants; Darling, Social Justice and Political Power; Thompson, Justice Interrupted; Hashemi, Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy.
13. Darling, Social Justice and Political Power.
14. Darling, Social Justice and Political Power; Thompson, Justice Interrupted.
15. Darling, Social Justice and Political Power.
16. Thompson, Justice Interrupted.
17. Thompson, Justice Interrupted, 3.
18. Lewis, “Why Turkey”; Lewis, Shaping of the Modern Middle East.
19. Mardin, Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought.
20. Lewis, Emergence of Modern Turkey; Mardin, Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought.
21. Thompson, Justice Interrupted.
22. Keddie, Religion and Rebellion in Iran.
23. Abrahamian, Iran between Two Revolutions; Thompson, Justice Interrupted.
24. Keddie, Islamic Response to Imperialism; Moaddel, Islamic Modernism, Nationalism, and Fundamentalism; Ayoob, “Political Islam.”
25. Lapidus, “Islamic Revival and Modernity.”
26. The basis for the argument presented by Kemal is a Koranic verse: Washawirhum fee al-amri (Koran, 3:159).
27. Kemal, “And Seek Their Council,” 144.
28. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice; Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Thought; March, Caliphate of Man.
29. Kemal, “And Seek Their Council,” 147.
30. Kemal, “And Seek Their Council,” 145–148.
31. Thompson, Justice Interrupted.
32. Darling, Social Justice and Political Power; Thompson, Justice Interrupted.
33. Brownlee, Masoud, and Reynolds, Arab Spring.
34. Korany, “Redefining Development for a New Generation.”
35. Brownlee, Masoud, and Reynolds, Arab Spring; Gause, “Middle East Studies Missed”; Schwedler, “Comparative Politics.” For exceptions, see Kuhn, “Role of Human Development”; Batniji et al., “Governance and Health”; Hoffman and Jamal, “Religion in the Arab Spring”; Robbins and Jamal, “The State of Social Justice in the Arab World.”
36. “Methodology,” Arab Barometer. Available at https://www.arabbarometer.org/survey-data/methodology/.
37. The difference of means test for protesters and nonprotesters in perceptions of political and social injustices show that protesters are more likely to hold critical views of government and economic conditions. The difference of means test did not reveal a statistical difference in average religiosity between the two groups.
38. Hoffman and Jamal, “Religion in the Arab Spring.”
39. There are many studies examining the roots of Arab authoritarianism, explaining this phenomenon by distributive politics (Blaydes, Elections and Distributive Politics), external factors (Jamal, Of Empires and Citizens), personality cults (Wedeen, Ambiguities of Domination), and coercive institutions (Bellin, “Robustness of Authoritarianism”), among other factors.
40. Tessler, “Islam and Democracy”; Tessler, Jamal, and Robbins, “New Findings on Arabs and Democracy.”
41. Wasta, or connections, refers to the common practice involving “a person (or person’s action) who intercedes using influence to garner favor, often unmerited, for another person” (Gold and Naufal, “Wasta,” 59).
42. These figures can be found at the Transparency International website in the snapshot report for MENA, “Middle East and North Africa,” available at https://www.transparency.org/en/news/regional-analysis-mena.
43. Khawaja, “Fighting Corruption.”
44. Jamal and Robbins, “Social Justice and the Arab Uprisings,” 139–142.
45. Hoffman and Jamal, “Religion in the Arab Spring”; Kabbani, “Youth Unemployment.”
46. Kemal, “And Seek Their Council.”
47. Kuran, “Now Out of Never”; McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, “Comparative Perspectives on Contentious Politics.”
48. Djupe and Gilbert, “Resourceful Believer”; Philpott, “Political Ambivalence of Religion”; Arikan and Bloom, “Religion and Political Protest.”
49. Philpott, “Political Ambivalence of Religion”; Putnam, Bowling Alone; Hoffman and Jamal, “Religion in the Arab Spring.”
50. Hoffman and Jamal, “Religion in the Arab Spring.”
51. Thompson, Justice Interrupted; Beinin, Workers and Peasants.
52. Hoffman and Jamal, “Religion in the Arab Spring.”
53. Hoffman and Jamal, “Religion in the Arab Spring”; Brownlee, Masoud, and Reynolds, Arab Spring.
54. In the third wave, the responses to these questions use a five-point scale. The scales are harmonized to obtain an index ranging from 2 to 10 (which is then recoded to range from 1 to 9).
55. The summary statistics for all variables used in the models and fixed effects are presented in Appendix A, Table A8.1 through Table A8.3.
56. Hoffman and Jamal, “Religion in the Arab Spring,” 601.
57. None of the interaction effects are statistically significant except for distrust in government, which takes a negative sign. Full estimation results are presented in Appendix A, Table A8.4.
58. Hoffman and Jamal, “Religion in the Arab Spring.”
59. The logistic regression results are presented in tabular format in Appendix A, Table A8.5. The reduced sample estimation is similar to the interaction effects of religiosity with all other variables in the model.
60. Bayat, “Revolution without Movement.”
61. Filali-Ansary, “Muslims and Democracy”; Bayat, Life as Politics.
CHAPTER 9
1. El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy; Abdelkader, Social Justice in Islam.
2. Kuru, Islam, Authoritarianism, and Underdevelopment.
3. Ahmed, What Is Islam?
4. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice.
5. Abdelkader, Social Justice in Islam; Darling, Social Justice and Political Power; Thompson, Justice Interrupted.
6. An-Náim, Islam and the Secular State.
7. Chomsky, Failed States; Jamal, Of Empires and Citizens; Yom, From Resilience to Revolution; Thompson, Justice Interrupted.
8. See Mitchell (Carbon Democracy) for an elaborate account of this argument in the context of the Western powers’ relations with oil-rich Gulf monarchies.
9. Khadduri, Islamic Conception of Justice.
10. Kuru, Islam, Authoritarianism, and Underdevelopment.
11. Grewal et al., “Poverty and Divine Rewards.”
12. Ciftci, Wuthrich, and Shamaileh, Beyond Piety and Politics.
13. I am inspired by Nader Hashemi’s terminology for this succinct expression (Hashemi, Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy).